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Dio Cassius, Histories

ToposText · Dio Cassius · 4,210 sections

  1. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.37.1

    § 40.37.1 The Aedui at first lived up to their agreement and sent him assistance, but later they went to war, although reluctantly, being deceived by Litaviccus and others. This man, being unable in any other way to persuade them to adopt this course, managed to get himself appointed to convey some men to Caesar ostensibly to serve as the latter's allies. 2 He did, indeed, set out as if to fulfill this mission, but sent ahead some horsemen bidding some of them return and say that their companions and the rest of their men in the camp of the Romans had been arrested by the latter and put to death. He then further excited the wrath of the soldiers by delivering a speech in keeping with the messengers' report.

  2. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.37.3

    § 40.37.3 In this way the Aedui themselves rose and induced the others to revolt with them. As soon as Caesar became aware of this, he sent to them the Aedui whom he had and was thought to have slain, so that they might be seen by all to be alive, and followed on with his cavalry. On this occasion, then, they repented and became reconciled;

  3. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.38.1

    § 40.38.1 but when later the Romans, by reason of Caesar's absence, were defeated at Gergovia and entirely withdrew from that place, those who had caused the uprising and were ever eager for revolution feared that the Romans might take vengeance upon them, now that they were free to do so, and consequently they rebelled. 2 And members of their tribe who were campaigning with Caesar, when they learned of this, asked him to allow them to return home, promising that they would put everything in order. Released on these conditions, they came to Noviodunum, where the Romans had deposited their money and grain and many hostages, and with the aid of the natives destroyed the garrisons, which were looking for no hostile act, and gained possession of everything there.

  4. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.38.3

    § 40.38.3 And they burned down the city, because of its advantageous situation, to prevent the Romans from making it a base for war, and next they caused the remainder of the Aedui to revolt. Caesar, therefore, attempted to march against them at once, but being unable to do so, on account of the river Liger, he turned his attention to the Lingones; 4 and he did not meet with success there either. Labienus, however, occupied the island in the river Sequana after conquering its defenders on the nearer bank and sending his troops across at many points at once, both down and up stream, in order that he might not be hindered if he attempted the crossing at one spot.

  5. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.39.1

    § 40.39.1 But before this happened, Vercingetorix, filled with contempt for Caesar because of the latter's reverses, had marched against the Allobroges. And intercepting the Roman general, who had thereupon set out to aid them, when he was among the Sequani, he surrounded him, 2 but did him no harm; on the contrary, he compelled the Romans to be brave through despair of safety, whereas he himself failed by reason of his numbers and audacity. His defeat was due in part to the Germans who were acting as allies of the Romans;

  6. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.39.3

    § 40.39.3 for with their unquenchable enthusiasm and their mighty bodies which added strength to their daring they succeeded in breaking through the enclosing ranks. Having met with this good fortune, Caesar did not give ground, but shut up and besieged in Alesia such of the foe as escaped.

  7. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.40.1

    § 40.40.1 Now Vercingetorix had at first, before he had been entirely cut off by the wall, sent out the cavalry to get fodder for the horses, as there was none on hand, and in order to let them disperse, each to his native land, and bring thence provisions and assistance. 2 But as these delayed and food supplies began to fail the besieged, he thrust out the children and the women and the most useless among the rest, hoping either that the outcasts would be saved as booty by the Romans or else that those left in the town might survive by enjoying for a longer time the supplies that would have belonged to their companions.

  8. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.40.3

    § 40.40.3 But he hoped in vain, for Caesar did not have sufficient food himself to feed others; and believing, moreover, that by returning the expelled he could make the enemy's lack of food more severely felt (for he expected that they would of course be received again), he forced them all back. 4 Now these perished most miserably between the city and the camp, because neither party would receive them. As for the relief looked for, the horsemen and the others they were bringing reached the barbarians before long, but these were then defeated (?) in a cavalry battle, as the Romans with the aid of the Germans (?)...

  9. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.40.5

    § 40.40.5 Thereupon they tried to enter the city by night through the wall of circumvallation, but met with dire disaster; for the Romans had dug secret pits in the places which were passable for horses and had fixed stakes in them, afterward making the whole resemble on the surface the surrounding ground; 6 thus horse and man, falling into them absolutely without warning, came to grief. The men did not give up, however, until they had arrayed themselves once more beside the very walls and had been defeated along with the people from the city who came out to fight.

  10. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.41.1

    § 40.41.1 Now Vercingetorix might have escaped, for he had not been captured and was unwounded; but he hoped, since he had once been on friendly terms with Caesar, that he might obtain pardon from him. So he came to him without any announcement by herald, but appeared before him suddenly, as Caesar was seated on the tribunal, and threw some who were present into alarm; for he was very tall to begin with, and in his armour he made an extremely imposing figure. 2 When quiet had been restored, he uttered not a word, but fell upon his knees, with hands clasped in an attitude of supplication. This inspired many with pity at remembrance of his former fortune and at the distressing state in which he now appeared. But Caesar reproached him in this very matter on which he most relied for his safety,

  11. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.41.3

    § 40.41.3 and by setting over against his claim of former friendship his recent opposition, showed his offence to have been the more grievous. Therefore he did not pity him even at the time, but immediately confined him in bonds, and later, after sending him to his triumph, put him to death.

  12. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.42.1

    § 40.42.1 This, however, was a later occurrence. At the time mentioned he gained some of the remaining foes by capitulation and enslaved others after conquering them in battle. The Belgae who lived near by had put at their head Commius, an Atrebatian, and resisted for a long time. They fought two indecisive cavalry battles and the third time in an infantry battle, although at first they held their own, they were later turned to flight when attacked unexpectedly in the rear by the cavalry. 2 After this the remainder abandoned the camp by night, and as they were passing through a wood set fire to it, leaving behind only their waggons, in order that the enemy might be delayed by these and by their fire, and they themselves might thus reach safety.

  13. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.42.3

    § 40.42.3 Their hope, however, was not realized. For the Romans, as soon as they were aware of their flight, pursued them and on encountering the fire they extinguished it in places or hewed their way through the trees, and some even ran through the midst of the flames; thus they came upon the fugitives without warning and slaughtered great numbers.

  14. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.43.1

    § 40.43.1 Thereupon some of the others came to terms, but the Atrebatian, who escaped, would not remain quiet even then. He undertook at one time to ambush Labienus, but after being defeated in battle was persuaded to hold a conference with him. 2 Before any terms were made, however, he was wounded by one of the Romans, who surmised that it was not his real intention to make peace; but he escaped and again proved troublesome to them. At last, despairing of his project, he secured for his associates unconditional amnesty for all their acts, and pardon for himself, as some say, on the condition of his never appearing again within sight of any Roman.

  15. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.43.3

    § 40.43.3 So these foes became reconciled on these terms, and later the rest were subdued, some voluntarily and some when conquered in war; and Caesar by means of garrisons and levies of money and assessments of tribute humbled some of them and tamed others.

  16. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.44.1

    § 40.44.1 Thus these wars came to an end in the consulship of Lucius Paulus and Gaius Marcellus. It was now time for Caesar, in view of the subjugation of the Gauls and the period for which his command had been assigned him, to leave Gaul and return to Rome. For his term was about to expire, the war had ceased, and he had no longer any plausible excuse for not disbanding his troops and returning to private life. 2 But affairs in the city at this time were in a state of turmoil, Crassus was dead, and Pompey had again come to power, since he had been consul for the third time and had managed to have the government of Spain granted to him for five years longer; moreover, he no longer was on intimate terms with Caesar,

  17. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.44.3

    § 40.44.3 especially now that the child, who alone had kept them on friendly terms, had died. Caesar was therefore afraid that if he were deprived of his soldiers he might fall into the power of Pompey of his other enemies, and so did not dismiss them.

  18. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.45.1

    § 40.45.1 During these same years many tumults had occurred in the city, especially in conjunction with the elections, so that it was not until the seventh month that Calvinus and Messalla were appointed consuls. 2 And not even then would they have been chosen, had not Quintus Pompeius Rufus, though he was the grandson of Sulla and was serving as tribune, been cast into prison by the senate; and the same penalty was voted in the case of the others who had desired to commit some outrage, while the task of proceeding against them was entrusted to Pompey.

  19. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.45.3

    § 40.45.3 Sometimes the omens had checked the elections by refusing to favour the interreges; above all else the tribunes, by managing affairs in the city so that they instead of the praetors should conduct the games, prevented the remaining magistrates from being chosen. This also was the reason why Rufus was put in jail. 4 He later brought Favonius, the aedile, to the same fate on some trifling charge, in order that he might have a companion in his disgrace. All the tribunes offered various objections, and proposed, among other things, that consular tribunes should replace the consuls, so that more magistrates might be elected, as formerly.

  20. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.45.5

    § 40.45.5 And when no one would heed them, they declared that in any case Pompey must be chosen dictator. By this pretext they secured a very long delay; for he was out of town, and of those on the spot there was no one who would venture to vote for the demand, since in remembrance of Sulla's cruelty they all hated that institution, nor yet would venture to refuse to choose Pompey, on account of their fear for him.

  21. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.46.1

    § 40.46.1 At last, very late, he came himself, refused the dictatorship offered to him, and took measures to have the consuls named. These, likewise, on account of the turmoil arising from murders, did not appoint any successors, though they laid aside their senatorial garb and in the dress of knights, as on the occasion of some great calamity, convened the senate. 2 They also passed a decree that no one, either an ex-praetor or an ex-consul, should assume a command abroad until five years had elapsed; they hoped that such men, by not being in a position of power immediately after holding office, would cease their craze for office. For there was no moderation and no decency at all being observed,

  22. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.46.3

    § 40.46.3 but they vied with one another in expending great sums and, going still further, in fighting, so that once even the consul Calvinus was wounded. Hence no consul or prefect of the city had any successor, but at the beginning of the year the Romans were absolutely without a government in these branches.

  23. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.47.1

    § 40.47.1 No good came of all this, and among other things the market that was held every ninth day, came on the first day of January. 2 This seemed to the Romans to be no mere coincidence but rather in the nature of a portent, and it accordingly caused them trepidation. The same feeling was increased when an owl was both seen and caught in the city, a statue exuded perspiration for three days, a meteor darted from the south to the east, and many thunderbolts, many clods, stones, shards and blood went flying through the air.

  24. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.47.3

    § 40.47.3 But it seems to me that that decree passed the previous year, near its close, with regard to Serapis and Isis, was a portent equal to any; for the senate had decided to tear down their temples, which some individuals had built on their own account. Indeed, for a long time they did not believe in these gods, and even when the rendering of public worship to them gained the day, they settled them outside the pomerium.

  25. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.48.1

    § 40.48.1 Such being the state of things in the city at that time, with no one in charge of affairs, murders occurred practically every day, and they could not hold the elections, although men were eager to win the offices and employed bribery and assassination to secure them. 2 Milo, for instance, who was seeking the consulship, met Clodius on the Appian Way and at first simply wounded him; then, fearing he would avenge the deed, he slew him, hoping that after he had immediately freed all the servants concerned in the affair, he would be more easily acquitted of the murder, once the man was dead, than he would be of assault, in case he should survive.

  26. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.48.3

    § 40.48.3 The people in the city heard of this toward evening and were thrown into a terrible uproar; to the factions it served as an incentive to war and misdeeds, while those who were neutrals, even though they hated Clodius, yet on account of humanity and because on this excuse they hoped to get rid of Milo also, showed indignation.

  27. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.49.1

    § 40.49.1 While they were in this frame of mind Rufus and Titus Munatius Plancus took them in hand and excited them to greater wrath. As tribunes they conveyed the body into the Forum just before dawn, placed it on the Rostra, exhibited it to all, and spoke appropriate words over it with lamentations. 2 So the populace, as a result of what it both saw and heard, was deeply stirred and no longer showed any regard for things sacred or profane, but overthrew all the customs of burial and burned down nearly the whole city. They took up the body of Clodius and carried it into the senate-house, laid it out properly, and then after heaping up a pyre out of the benches burned both the corpse and the building.

  28. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.49.3

    § 40.49.3 They did not do this under the stress of such an impulse as often takes sudden hold of crowds, but with such deliberate purpose that at the ninth hour they held the funeral feast in the Forum itself, with the senate-house still smouldering; and they furthermore undertook to apply the torch to Milo's house. 4 It was not burned, however, because many defended it. But Milo, in great terror because of the murder, was meanwhile in hiding, being guarded not only by ordinary citizens but also by knights and some senators; and when this other deed occurred, he hoped that the wrath of the senate would shift to the outrage of the opposing faction.

  29. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.49.5

    § 40.49.5 The senators, indeed, did at once assemble on the Palatine for this very purpose, and they voted that an interrex should be chosen, and that he and the tribunes and Pompey should look after the guarding of the city, so that it should suffer no harm. Milo, accordingly, made his appearance in public, and pressed his claims to the office as strongly as before, if not more strongly.

  30. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.50.1

    § 40.50.1 Thereupon conflicts and much bloodshed occurred once more, so that the senate adopted the aforementioned measures, summoned Pompey, allowed him to make fresh levies, and changed their garments. 2 Upon his arrival not long afterward they assembled under guard near his theatre outside the pomerium, and resolved to take up the bones of Clodius, and also assigned the rebuilding of the senate-house to Faustus, the son of Sulla.

  31. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.50.3

    § 40.50.3 It was the Curia Hostilia, which had been remodelled by Sulla; hence they came to this decision about it and ordered that when restored it should receive again the name of the same man. The city was in a fever of excitement about the magistrates who should rule it, some talking to the effect that Pompey should be chosen dictator and others that Caesar should be made consul. 4 They were so determined to honour the latter for his achievements that they voted a thanksgiving of sixty days because of them. Fearing both of the men, the rest of the senate and Bibulus, who was first to be asked and to declare his opinion, forestalled the enthusiasm of the populace by giving the consulship to Pompey, so as to prevent his being named dictator, and to him alone, in order that he might not have Caesar as his colleague.

  32. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.50.5

    § 40.50.5 This action of theirs was novel, having been taken in no other case; and yet they seemed to have acted with good judgment. For since Pompey favoured the populace less than Caesar, they hoped to detach him from them altogether and to make him their own. And this expectation was fulfilled. Elated by the novelty and unexpectedness of the honour, he no longer formed any plan to gratify the populace, but was careful to do everything that pleased the senate.

  33. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.51.1

    § 40.51.1 He did not, however, wish to hold office alone. For now that he had the glory that lay in the passing of such a vote, he wished to avoid the envy attaching to it. He also feared that, if the place were vacant, Caesar might be given him as colleague through the enthusiasm of his troops and the populace alike. 2 First of all, therefore, in order that his rival might not think he had been entirely neglected and therefore show some just displeasure, he arranged through the tribunes that Caesar should be permitted even in his absence to be a candidate for the office, when the proper time came according to law; he then chose as his colleague Quintus Scipio, who was his father-in-law and was under a charge of bribery.

  34. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.51.3

    § 40.51.3 This man, by birth the son of Nasica, had been adopted into the family of Metellus Pius as the latter's heir, and for that reason also bore his name. He had given his daughter in marriage to Pompey, and now received in turn from him the consulship and immunity from accusation.

  35. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.52.1

    § 40.52.1 Very many had been called to account on the charge mentioned, especially because the trials, by Pompey's laws, were more carefully conducted. He himself selected the entire list of names from which drawings for jurors must be made, and he limited the number of advocates on each side, in order that the jurymen might not be confused and embarrassed by their number. 2 And he ordered that the time allotted to the plaintiff should be only two hours, and to the defendant three. But what grieved a great many most was his reform of the custom whereby character-witnesses were brought forward by those on trial, with the result that great numbers were snatched from justice because they were commended by credible witnesses; he had a measure passed that no character-witnesses at all should henceforth be allowed to such persons.

  36. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.52.3

    § 40.52.3 These and other reforms he applied to all the courts alike; and against those who practised bribery for office he raised up as accusers those who had formerly been convicted of some such offence, setting before the latter no small prize. For if any one secured the conviction of two men on charges similar to the one against himself, or even on slighter charges, or of one man on a greater charge, he gained pardon himself.

  37. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.53.1

    § 40.53.1 Among many others who were thus convicted was Plautius Hypsaeus, who had been a rival of Milo and of Scipio for the consulship. Though all three had been guilty of bribery, he alone was convicted. 2 Scipio was indicted, and by two persons at that, but had not been tried, thanks to Pompey's influence; and Milo was not charged with this crime, since he had the more serious charge of murder against him, but when he was brought to trial on this latter charge, he was convicted, as he was unable to use any violence.

  38. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.53.3

    § 40.53.3 For Pompey kept the rest of the city well under guard and entered the court himself with armed soldiers. When some raised an outcry at this, he ordered the soldiers to drive them out of the Forum by striking them with the side or the flat of their swords; and when they still would not yield, but jeered as if they were being struck in sport, some of them were wounded and killed.

  39. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.54.1

    § 40.54.1 The courts convened in quiet in consequence of these reforms, and many were convicted on various charges, among others, Milo for the murder of Clodius, though he had Cicero to defend him. 2 That orator, seeing Pompey and the soldiers in the court, contrary to custom, was alarmed and overwhelmed with dread, so that he did not deliver the speech he had prepared at all, but after uttering with difficulty a few words that all but died on his lips, was glad to retire. The speech which is now extant, purporting to have been delivered at that time in behalf of Milo, he wrote some time later and at leisure, when he had recovered his courage. Indeed, the following story has come down about it.

  40. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.54.3

    § 40.54.3 When Milo, in banishment, had read the speech sent to him by Cicero, he wrote back that it was lucky for him those words had not been spoken in that form in the court; for he should not be eating such mullets in Massilia (where he was passing his exile), if any such defence had been made. 4 This he wrote, not because he was pleased with his condition, — indeed, he made many efforts to secure his return, — but as a joke on Cicero, because the orator, after saying nothing useful at the time of the defence, had later composed and sent to him these fruitless words, as if they could then be of any service to him.

  41. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.55.1

    § 40.55.1 In this way Milo was convicted; and so were Rufus and Plancus, as soon as they had finished their terms of office, together with numerous others, on account of the burning of the senate-house. Plancus was not saved even by the efforts of Pompey, who was so zealous in his behalf that he sent to the court a pamphlet containing both a eulogy of Milo and an entreaty in his behalf. 2 But Marcus Cato, who was to be a juryman, said he would not allow the character-witness to appear to the destruction of his own laws; however, he got no opportunity to cast his vote, since he was rejected by Plancus, who felt sure he would vote for his condemnation. By the laws of Pompey, it should be explained, each of the parties to a suit was allowed to set aside five of the men who were to be on the jury.

  42. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.55.3

    § 40.55.3 The other jurors, however, voted against Milo, since it did not seem right to them after they had condemned Rufus to acquit Plancus, who was on trial on the same charge; and particularly when they saw Pompey coöperating with him, they became zealous in opposing him, for fear they might be thought to be absolute slaves of his rather than jurymen. 4 It should be said that on this occasion, too, Cicero accused Plancus no more successfully than he had defended Milo; for the appearance of the courtroom was the same, and Pompey in each case was advising and acting against him — a circumstance that was important in bringing about another collision between them.

  43. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.56.1

    § 40.56.1 Besides attending to these matters Pompey revived the law about elections that commanded those who seek an office to present themselves without fail before the assembly, so that no one who was absent might be chosen; this law had somehow fallen into disuse. He also confirmed the decree, passed a short time previously, that those who had held office in the city should not be assigned to command abroad until five years had passed. 2 And yet, after proposing these measures at this time, he was not ashamed a little later to take Spain himself for five years more and to grant to Caesar, whose friends were in a terrible state of indignation, the right to canvass for the consulship even in his absence, as had been decreed.

  44. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.56.3

    § 40.56.3 For he had amended the law to read that only those should be permitted to do it who were granted the privilege by name and without disguise; but this was no different from its not having been prohibited at all, for men who had any influence were certainly going to manage to get the right voted to them. Such were the political acts of Pompey.

  45. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.57.1

    § 40.57.1 Scipio, without enacting any new laws, abolished the laws emanating from Clodius with regard to the censors. It looked as though he had done this out of favour to them, since he had restored to them the authority which they formerly had; but it turned out to be the opposite. 2 For in view of the fact that there were many unworthy men both in the equestrian and in the senatorial orders, so long as it had not been permitted them to expel any one who had been either accused or convicted, no fault was found with them on account of those whose names were not expunged.

  46. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.57.3

    § 40.57.3 But when they got back their old power and were allowed to do this on their own authority after examining into the life of each man, they had not the hardihood to come to an open break with many, nor had they, on the other hand, any desire to incur censure for failing to expel men who were unfit to retain their rank, and for this reason no sensible person had any desire for the office any longer.

  47. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.58.1

    § 40.58.1 This was the vote passed with regard to the censors. Cato did not really want the office, but seeing Caesar and Pompey outgrowing the constitution, and surmising that they would either get control of affairs together or would quarrel with each other and cause a great civil war, the victor in which would be sole ruler, he wished to overthrow them before they became antagonists, and sought the consulship to use it against them, because as a private citizen he would have no influence. 2 His designs were guessed, however, by the adherent of the two men and he was not appointed, but instead Marcus Marcellus and Sulpicius Rufus were chosen,

  48. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.58.3

    § 40.58.3 the one on account of his acquaintance with the law and the other for his ability as an orator. One special reason was that they, even if they did not employ money or violence, yet showed great deference to all and were wont to appeal frequently to the people, whereas Cato was deferential to none of them. 4 He never again became a candidate for the office, saying that it was the duty of an upright man not to shirk the leadership of the state if any wished to use his services in that way, nor yet to pursue it beyond the limits of propriety.

  49. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.59.1

    § 40.59.1 Marcellus at once directed all his efforts towards compassing the downfall of Caesar, inasmuch as he was of Pompey's party; among the many measures against him that he proposed was one to the effect that a successor to him should be sent out even before the appointed time. He was resisted by Sulpicius and some of the tribunes; the latter acted out of good-will toward Caesar, and Sulpicius made common cause with them and with the multitude, because he did not like the idea of a magistrate who had done no wrong being removed in the middle of his term. 2 Pompey had set out from the city as if he were going to make an expedition into Spain, but he did not even at this time leave the bounds of Italy; instead, he assigned the entire business in Spain to his lieutenants and himself kept close watch on the city. Now when he heard how things were going, he pretended that the plan of having Caesar relieved of his command did not please him, either,

  50. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.59.3

    § 40.59.3 but he arranged matters so that when Caesar should have served out the time allowed him, — an event not of the distant future, but due to occur the very next year, — he should lay down his arms and return home to private life. 4 It was in pursuance of this object that he caused Gaius Marcellus, a cousin of Marcus, or a brother (both traditions are current), to obtain the consulship, because, although allied to Caesar by marriage, he was hostile to him; and he caused Gaius Curio, who was also an old-time foe of his rival, to become tribune.

  51. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.60.1

    § 40.60.1 Caesar was on no account inclined to become a private citizen after holding so important a command and for such a long time, and in particular he was afraid of falling into the power of his enemies. Therefore he made preparations to stay in office in spite of them, collected additional soldiers, gathered money, provided arms, and administered affairs in such a manner as to please all. 2 Meanwhile, desiring to arrange matters at home beforehand in some fashion, so as not to seem to be using violence in all things, but also persuasion to gain his ends, he decided to effect a reconciliation with Curio. For the latter belonged to the family of the Curiones, had a keen intellect, was eloquent, was greatly trusted by the populace, and most lavish of money for all objects by which he hoped either to gain advantage for himself or benefit others.

  52. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.60.3

    § 40.60.3 So, by buoying him up with many hopes and relieving him of all his debts, which on account of his extravagance were numerous, Caesar attached him to himself. In view of the present importance of the objects for which he was working Caesar did not spare money, since the attainment of these ends would afford him an abundance, and he also promised various persons large sums, of which he had no intention of giving them even the smallest fraction. 4 He courted not only the free but the slaves who had any influence whatever with their masters, and as a result a number of the knights and of the senators joined his side.

  53. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.61.1

    § 40.61.1 Thus Curio espoused Caesar's cause; but he did not immediately begin to serve him openly, since he was seeking a plausible excuse, so as to appear not to have transferred his allegiance willingly, but under compulsion. He also took into consideration that the more he should associate with Caesar's enemies in the guise of their friend, the more and the greater would be the secrets of theirs he should learn. 2 For these reasons he dissembled for a long time, and to prevent any suspicion of the fact that he had changed sides and was not still at this time among the foremost in feeling and expressing unqualified opposition to Caesar, he even delivered public speeches against him, as soon as he had entered upon the tribuneship, and introduced many strange measures.

  54. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.61.3

    § 40.61.3 Some bills he offered against the senate and its most powerful members, men who were especially active in Pompey's behalf, not because he either wished or expected that any one of them would be passed, but in order that, if they did not accept them, no measure might be passed against Caesar (for many motions directed against him were being offered by various persons), and that he might himself use this as an excuse for changing sides.

  55. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.62.1

    § 40.62.1 Thus, after having used up considerable time on different occasions on various pretexts, so that not a single one of his measures was adopted, he pretended to be vexed and asked that an extra month be intercalated for the enactment of the senate's measures. This practice used to be followed as often as occasion demanded, but not for any such reason as his, and he himself, being pontifex, understood that fact. 2 Nevertheless he declared that it ought to be done and made a fine show of using compulsion on his fellow-priests. At last, not being able to persuade them by assent to his proposal, he would not permit any other matter to be voted upon on this account. On the contrary, he already began openly to justify Caesar's actions,

  56. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.62.3

    § 40.62.3 since, as he claimed, he was unable to accomplish anything against him, and he brought forward every possible proposition which was sure of not being accepted. The chief of these was that all persons in arms must lay down and disband their legions, or else they should not strip Caesar of his weapons and expose him to the force of his rivals. 4 This he said, not because he wished Caesar to do it, but because he well understood that Pompey would not yield obedience to it, and thus a plausible excuse was offered the other also for not dismissing his soldiers.

  57. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.63.1

    § 40.63.1 Pompey, accordingly, as he could effect nothing in any other way, proceeded without any further disguise to harsh measures and openly said and did everything against Caesar; yet he failed to accomplish anything. 2 Caesar had many supporters, among them Lucius Paulus, the colleague of Marcellus, and Lucius Piso, his father-in-law, who was censor; for at this time Appius Claudius and Piso were made censors, the latter against his will.

  58. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.63.3

    § 40.63.3 So Piso on account of his relationship belonged to Caesar, while Claudius, though opposing him, since he favoured Pompey's cause, yet quite involuntarily rendered Caesar very efficient aid. For he expelled a great many both of the knights and senators, overruling his colleague, and in this way made them all favour Caesar's cause. 4 Piso, who was in any case disposed to avoid trouble, and for the sake of maintaining friendship with his son-in-law paid court to many people, was himself responsible for none of the above acts, but he did not resist Claudius when he drove from the senate all the freedmen and numbers even of the exclusive nobility, among them Sallustius Crispus, who wrote the history.

  59. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.63.5

    § 40.63.5 When, however, Curio's name also was about to be expunged, Piso, with the help of Paulus, whose kinsman he was, did beg him off.

  60. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.64.1

    § 40.64.1 Consequently Claudius did not expel him, but made public in the senate the opinion that he had of him, so that the other, indignant, tore Claudius' clothes. So Marcellus seized him, and thinking that the senate would pass some severe vote against Curio and, because of him, against Caesar, brought forward motions about him. 2 Curio at first opposed the rendering of any decision regarding himself; but on coming to realize that the majority of the senators then present were either actually attached to Caesar's cause or else thoroughly feared him, he allowed them to decide, merely remarking:

  61. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.64.3

    § 40.64.3 “I am conscious of doing what is best and most advantageous for my country; to you, however, I surrender both my body and life to do with as you please.” Marcellus accordingly accused him, thinking that he would certainly be convicted; but when he was acquitted by the majority, 4 the accuser took it greatly to heart, and rushing out of the senate, he came to Pompey, who was in the suburbs, and on his own responsibility, without the formality of a vote, entrusted him with the protection of the city and likewise with two legions of citizens.

  62. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.65.1

    § 40.65.1 These soldiers were then present, having been collected in the following way and for the following purpose. Pompey had previously, while still on friendly terms with Caesar, given him one of the enrolled legions for use in his campaign, inasmuch as he was not conducting any war himself and Caesar had need of soldiers. 2 But when they fell out with each other, in his desire to get this one back from him and to deprive him of yet another he represented that Bibulus required soldiers against the Parthians;

  63. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.65.3

    § 40.65.3 and in order that no new levies should be made, since the matter was urgent, as he claimed, and they had an abundance of legions, he got it voted that each of them, himself and Caesar, must send one to him. Thereupon he failed to send any of his own soldiers, but ordered those whose business it was to demand that legion which he had given to Caesar. So nominally both of them contributed, but in reality Caesar alone sent the two. 4 For though he knew what was being done, he complied with the demand, not wishing to incur the charge of disobedience, particularly because on this excuse he intended to collect many more troops in place of these.

  64. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.66.1

    § 40.66.1 These legions, therefore, were apparently made ready to be sent against the Parthians, but when there proved to be no need of them, there being really no use to which they could be put, Marcellus, fearing that they might be restored to Caesar, at first declared that they must remain in Italy, and then, as I have said, gave them into Pompey's charge. 2 These proceedings took place near the close of the year and were destined not to remain long in force, since they had been approved neither by the senate nor by the people. Accordingly he won over to Pompey's side Cornelius Lentulus and Gaius Claudius, who were to hold the consulship the next year, and caused them to issue the same commands.

  65. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.66.3

    § 40.66.3 For since magistrates-elect were still allowed to issue proclamations and to perform some other functions pertaining to their office even before they entered upon it, they believed that they had authority also in this matter. And Pompey, although he was very scrupulous in all other matters, nevertheless on account of his need of soldiers did not either enquire at all from what sources he was getting them, or in what way, but accepted them very gratefully. 4 Yet no such result was accomplished as one would have expected to come from such a bold move; they merely displayed their enmity toward Caesar, and then made no further preparations themselves to strengthen their position, while they had furnished to him a plausible excuse for retaining the legions that were with him.

  66. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:40.66.5

    § 40.66.5 For Curio, taking these acts as his text, delivered before the populace a violent arraignment both of the consuls and of Pompey, and when he had finished his term of office, he at once set out to join Caesar.

  67. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.1.1

    § 41.1.1 After taking this course at that time, Curio later came to Rome on the very first day of the month on which Cornelius Lentulus and Gaius Claudius entered upon office, bringing a letter from Caesar to the senate; and he did not give it to the consuls until they reached the senate-house, for fear that if they received it outside they might suppress it. 2 Even as it was, they waited a long time, in their unwillingness to read it, but at last they were compelled by Quintus Cassius Longinus and Mark Antony, who were tribunes, to make it public.3 Now Antony for the service he then rendered Caesar in this matter was destined to be well repaid and to be raised himself to great honours. As to the letter, it contained a list of all the benefits which Caesar had ever conferred upon the state and a defence of the charges which were brought against him. 4 He promised to disband his legions and give up his office if Pompey would also do the same; for while the latter bore arms it was not right, he claimed, that he should be compelled to give up his and so be exposed to his enemies.

  68. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.2.1

    § 41.2.1 The vote on this proposition was not taken individually, lest the senators through some sense of shame or fear should vote contrary to their true opinions; but it was done by their taking their stand on this or on that side of the senate-chamber. No one voted that Pompey should give up his arms, since he had his troops in the suburbs; but all, except one Marcus Caelius and Curio, who had brought his letter, voted that Caesar must do so. 2 Of the tribunes I make no mention, since they did not consider it at all necessary to take part in the division; for they had the privilege of offering an opinion or not, as they saw fit. This, then, was the decision reached; but Antony and Longinus did not allow any part of it to be ratified either on that day or the next.

  69. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.3.1

    § 41.3.1 The rest, indignant at this, voted to change their apparel, but this measure, also, through the opposition of the same men, failed to be ratified. The senate's decision, however, was recorded and put into effect; for all straightway left the senate-house, and changed their dress, then came in again and proceeded to deliberate about punishing the tribunes. 2 The latter, observing this, at first resisted, but later became afraid, especially when Lentulus advised them to get out of the way before the vote should be taken. They offered many remarks and protestations and then set out with Curio and with Caelius to go to Caesar, little concerned at being expelled from the senate.

  70. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.3.3

    § 41.3.3 This, then, was the decision reached at that time; and the care of the city was committed to the consuls and to the other magistrates, as was the custom. Afterward the senators went outside the pomerium to Pompey himself, declared that there was a state of disorder, 4 and delivered to him both the funds and the troops. And they voted that Caesar should surrender his office to his successors and dismiss his legions by a given day, or else be considered an enemy, because acting contrary to the interests of the country.

  71. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.4.1

    § 41.4.1 When Caesar was informed of this, he came to Ariminum, then for the first time overstepping the confines of his own province, and after assembling his soldiers he ordered Curio and the others who had come with him to relate to them what had been done. After this was over he further aroused them by adding such words as the occasion demanded. 2 Next he set out and marched straight upon Rome itself, winning over all the cities on the way without any conflict, since the garrisons either abandoned them, because they were powerless to resist, or preferred his cause. Pompey, perceiving this, became afraid, especially when he learned all his rival's intentions from Labienus;

  72. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.4.3

    § 41.4.3 for this officer had abandoned Caesar and deserted to the other side, and he announced all Caesar's secrets to Pompey. One might feel surprise, now, that after having always been most highly honoured by Caesar to the extent even of commanding all the legions beyond the Alps whenever the proconsul was in Italy, he should have done this. 4 The reason was that when he had acquired wealth and fame he began to conduct himself more haughtily than his rank warranted, and Caesar, seeing that he put himself on the same level with his superior, ceased to be so fond of him. And so, as Labienus could not endure this change and was at the same time afraid of coming to some harm, he transferred his allegiance.

  73. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.5.1

    § 41.5.1 Pompey, because of what was told him about Caesar and because he had not yet prepared a force sufficient to cope with him, changed his plans; for he saw that the people in the city, in fact the very members of his party, even more than the rest, shrank from the war through remembrance of the deeds of Marius and Sulla and wished to be delivered from it. 2 Therefore he sent to Caesar, as envoys, Lucius Caesar, a relative of his, and Lucius Roscius, a praetor, both of whom volunteered for the service, to see if he could avoid his attack in some way and then reach an agreement with him on reasonable terms.

  74. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.5.3

    § 41.5.3 The other replied to the same effect as in the letter which he had sent, and said that he, too, wished to have a conference with Pompey; but the multitude was not pleased to hear this, fearing that some measures might be concerted against them. 4 When, however, the envoys said many things in praise of Caesar, and ended up by promising that no one should suffer any harm at his hands and that the legions should immediately be disbanded, they were pleased and sent the same envoys to him again, and they kept shouting out everywhere and always their demand that both leaders should lay down their arms at the same time.

  75. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.6.1

    § 41.6.1 Pompey was frightened at this, knowing well that he would be far inferior to Caesar if they should both put themselves in the power of the people, and accordingly set out for Campania before the envoys returned, 2 with the idea that he could more easily carry on war there. He also commanded the whole senate together with the magistrates to accompany him, granting them permission for their absence by a decree, and announcing to them that he would regard anyone who remained behind in exactly the same light as those who were working against him.

  76. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.6.3

    § 41.6.3 Furthermore he ordered them to decree that public moneys and the votive offering in the city should all be seized, hoping that by using them he could get together a vast number of soldiers. For practically all the cities of Italy felt such friendliness for him that when, a short time before, they had heard he was dangerously ill, they had vowed to offer public sacrifices for his safety. 4 That this was a great and brilliant honour which they bestowed upon him no one would deny, since there has been no one else in whose behalf such a vote was ever passed, except those who in after times received absolute power; still they inspired him with no sure confidence that they would not abandon him through fear of one stronger.

  77. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.6.5

    § 41.6.5 The recommendation about the moneys and the votive offerings was granted, but neither of them was touched; for, having ascertained meanwhile that Caesar's answer to the envoys had not been at all conciliatory and that he had furthermore reproached them with having made some false statements about him, 6 also that his soldiers were many and bold and liable to do any kind of mischief, — just the sort of reports, exaggerating the danger, as are usually made about such matters, — the senators became frightened and hastily took their departure before they could lay hands on any of the treasures.

  78. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.7.1

    § 41.7.1 Accordingly their removal was equally tumultuous and confused in all other respects. For the departing citizens, practically all of whom were the foremost men of the senate and of the knights, to say nothing of the populace, 2 while nominally setting out for war, were in reality undergoing the experiences of captives. For they were compelled to abandon their country and their pursuits there, and to consider foreign walls more friendly than their own, and consequently they were terribly distressed.

  79. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.7.3

    § 41.7.3 Such as were removing with their entire households said farewell to the temples and to their homes and to the soil of their ancestors, with the feeling that these would straightway become the property of their opponents; and as for themselves, not being ignorant of Pompey's purpose, they had the intention, if they really survived, of establishing themselves in Macedonia and Thrace. 4 Those who were leaving behind on the spot their children and wives and all their other dearest treasures gave the impression, indeed, of having some little hope of their country, but in reality were in a much worse plight than the others, since they were being separated from all that was dearest to them and were exposing themselves to a double and most contradictory fate.

  80. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.7.5

    § 41.7.5 For in delivering their nearest interests to the power of their bitterest foes they were destined, in case they played the coward, to be in danger themselves, and in case they showed zeal, to be deprived of those left behind; moreover, they would find a friend in neither rival, but an enemy in both — in Caesar because they themselves had not remained behind, and in Pompey because they had not taken everything with them. 6 Hence they were divided in their minds, in their prayers, and in their hopes; in body they were being sundered from those nearest to them, and their souls were cleft in twain.

  81. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.8.1

    § 41.8.1 These were the feelings of the departing throng. The ones left behind were experiencing different, but equally painful emotions. Those who were being sundered from their relatives, being thus deprived of their guardians and quite unable to defend themselves, 2 exposed to the war and about to be in the power of him who should make himself master of the city, not only were distressed themselves by the fear of outrages and of murders, as if these were already taking place, but they also either invoked the same fate against those departing, through anger at being deserted, or, condoning their action because of their necessity, feared that the same fate would befall them.

  82. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.8.3

    § 41.8.3 All the rest of the populace, even if they did not have the least kinship with those departing, were nevertheless grieved at their fate, some expecting that their neighbours, and others that their comrades, would go far away from them and do and suffer many dreadful things. 4 But most of all they bewailed their own lot as they beheld the magistrates and the senate and all the others who had any power — they were not sure, indeed, whether any of them would be left behind — quitting their country and them. They reflected how those men would never have wished to flee, had not many altogether dreadful calamities fastened themselves upon the state;

  83. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.8.5

    § 41.8.5 and as for themselves, being now bereft of rulers and bereft of allies, they seemed in all respects like orphaned children and widowed wives. Expecting to be the first to experience the wrath and the lust of the approaching foes, and remembering their former sufferings, some by experience and others by hearing from the victims all the outrages that Marius and Sulla had committed, 6 they did not look for any moderate treatment from Caesar, either. On the contrary, inasmuch as the larger part of his army consisted of barbarians, they expected that their misfortunes would be far greater in neighbour and more terrible than the former ones.

  84. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.9.1

    § 41.9.1 Since, then, all of them were in this state, and no one except those who thought they were good friends of Caesar made light of the situation, and even they, in view of the change of character which most men undergo according to their circumstances, had not the courage of confident assurance, it is not easy to conceive what confusion and what grief prevailed at the departure of the consuls and those who set out with them. 2 All night they made an uproar with their packing and running to and fro, and toward dawn great sadness came upon them all at the various temples, as they went about offering prayer on every side. They invoked the gods, kissed the ground, and lamented as often as they enumerated the perils which they had survived, and recalled that they were leaving their country, a thing they had never brought themselves to do before. Around the gates, too, there was much lamenting.

  85. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.9.3

    § 41.9.3 Some took fond leave at once of each other and of the city, as if they were beholding them for the last time; others bewailed their own lot and joined their prayer to those of the departing, while the majority uttered curses, on the ground that they were being betrayed. For all who were to remain behind were there, too, with all the women and children. 4 Then the one group set out on their way and the other escorted them. Some interposed delays and were detained by their acquaintances; others embraced and clung to each other for a long time. Those who were to remain accompanied those who set out, calling after them and expressing their sympathy, while with appeals to Heaven they besought them to take them, too, or to remain at home themselves.

  86. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.9.5

    § 41.9.5 Meanwhile there was much wailing over each other of the exiles, even from outsiders, and tears without restraint. For they were anything but hopeful, in such circumstances, of a change for the better; it was rather suffering that was expected, first by those who were left, and later by those who were departing. 6 Any one who saw them would have supposed that two peoples and two cities were being made from one and that the one group was being driven out and was going into exile, while the other was being left to its fate and taken captive.

  87. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.9.7

    § 41.9.7 Pompey thus left the city, taking many of the senators with him, although some remained behind, either being attached to Caesar's cause or maintaining a neutral attitude toward the two. He hastily raised levies from the cities, collected money, and sent garrisons to each point.

  88. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.10.1

    § 41.10.1 Caesar, when he learned of these moves, did not hurry to Rome; for the capital, he knew, lay as a prize before the victors, and he claimed to be marching, not against that place as hostile to him, but rather against his political opponents in its defence.2 And he sent letters throughout all Italy in which he challenged Pompey to some kind of trial, and encouraged the others to be of good cheer, bade them remain in their places, and made them many promises. He set out next against Corfinium, because this place, being occupied by Lucius Domitius, would not join his cause, and after conquering in battle a few who met him he shut up the rest and besieged them.3 Now Pompey, inasmuch as these followers were being besieged and many of the others were falling away to Caesar, had no further hope of Italy, and resolved to cross over into Macedonia, Greece, and Asia. For he derived much encouragement from the remembrance of what he had achieved there and from the friendship of the peoples and the kings. 4 Spain, to be sure, was likewise wholly devoted to him, but he could not reach it safely, since Caesar held both the Gauls. Moreover he calculated that if he should sail away, no one would pursue him on account of the lack of ships and on account of the winter, as the autumn was now far advanced; and meanwhile he would be amassing at leisure both money and troops, partly from the Roman subjects and partly from their allies.

  89. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.11.1

    § 41.11.1 With this purpose, therefore, he himself set out for Brundisium and bade Domitius abandon Corfinium and accompany him. And Domitius, in spite of the large force that he had and the hopes he reposed in it, inasmuch as he had courted the favour of the soldiers in every way and had won them over by promises of land (as one of Sulla's veterans he had acquired a large amount under that regime), nevertheless obeyed orders. He, accordingly, was making preparations to evacuate the town with some degree of safety; but his associates, when they learned of it, shrank from the journey abroad, and they attached themselves to Caesar. So these joined the invader's army, but Domitius and the other senators, after being censured by Caesar for arraying themselves against him, were allowed to go and came to Pompey.

  90. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.12.1

    § 41.12.1 Caesar, accordingly, was anxious to join issue with Pompey before he could sail away and to fight out the war in Italy, if he could but overtake his adversary while he was still at Brundisium; for since there were not sufficient ships for all, Pompey had sent ahead the consuls and others, fearing that they might begin some rebellion if they remained there. Caesar, seeing the difficulty of capturing the place, urged his opponent to come to some agreement, assuring him that he should obtain both peace and friendship again. When Pompey replied merely that he would communicate to the consuls what Caesar said, the latter, inasmuch as those officials had decided to receive no citizen in arms for a conference, assaulted the city.3 Pompey repelled him for some days until the ships returned; and having meanwhile barricaded and obstructed the streets leading to the harbour, so that no one should attack him as he was sailing forth, he then put out by night. Thus he crossed over to Macedonia in safety, and Brundisium was captured along with two ships full of men.

  91. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.13.1

    § 41.13.1 So Pompey in this way deserted his country and the rest of Italy, choosing and carrying out quite the opposite of his former course, when he had sailed back to it from Asia; hence he gained the opposite fortune and reputation. 2 For, whereas formerly he had at once dismissed his legions at Brundisium, so as not to cause the citizens any anxiety, he was now leading away through that town other forces gathered from Italy to fight against them; and whereas he had brought the wealth of the barbarians to Rome, he now carried away from it all that he could to other places.

  92. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.13.3

    § 41.13.3 Of all the citizens at home he despaired, but proposed to use against his country foreigners and the allies once enslaved by him; and he placed in them far more hope both of safety and of power than in those whom he had benefited. 4 Instead of the brilliance, therefore, acquired in those wars, which had marked his arrival, he departed with humiliation as his portion because of his fear of Caesar; and instead of the fame which he had gained for exalting his country, he became most infamous for his desertion of her.

  93. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.14.1

    § 41.14.1 Now at the very moment of coming to land at Dyrrachium he learned that he should not obtain a prosperous outcome. For thunderbolts destroyed some soldiers even as the ships were approaching; spiders occupied the army standards; and after he had left the vessel serpents followed and obliterated his footprints.2 These were the portents which came to him personally, but for the whole capital others had occurred both that year and a short time previously; for there is no doubt that in civil wars the state is injured by both parties. Hence many wolves and owls were seen in the city itself

  94. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.14.3

    § 41.14.3 and continual earthquakes with bellowings took place, fire darted across from the west to the east, and another fire consumed the temple of Quirinus as well as of the buildings. The sun, too, suffered a total eclipse, and thunderbolts damaged a sceptre of Jupiter and a shield and a helmet of Mars that were votive offerings on the Capitol, and likewise the tables which contained the laws. 4 Many animals brought forth creatures outside of their own species, some oracles purporting to be those of the Sibyl were made known, and some men became inspired and uttered numerous divinations. No prefect of the city was chosen for the Feriae, as had been the custom, but the praetors, at least according to some accounts, performed all his duties; others, however, say they did this in the following year.

  95. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.14.5

    § 41.14.5 That, to be sure, was an occurrence that happened again; but at this time Perperna, who had once been censor with Philippus, died, being the last, as I have stated, of all the senators who had been alive in his censorship. This event, too, seemed to portend some political change. 6 Now the people were naturally disturbed at the portents, but as both sides thought and hoped that the calamities would all light on their opponents, they offered no expiatory sacrifices.

  96. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.15.1

    § 41.15.1 Caesar did not even attempt to sail to Macedonia at this time, because he was short of ships and was anxious about Italy, fearing that the lieutenants of Pompey might assail it from Spain and occupy it; but putting Brundisium under guard, so that no one of those who had departed should sail back again, 2 he then proceeded to Rome. There the senate had been assembled for him outside the pomerium by Antony and Longinus; for though they had once been expelled from that body they now convened it. He accordingly delivered a speech of some length and of a temperate character, so that they might feel good-will toward him for the time being and also excellent hope for the future.

  97. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.15.3

    § 41.15.3 For as soon as he saw that they were displeased at what was going on and suspicious of the multitude of soldiers, he wished to encourage and tame them, so to speak, in order that quiet might prevail at least in their quarter until he should bring the war to an end. 4 He therefore censured no one and made no threat against anyone, but delivered an attack, not without imprecations, upon those who chose to war upon citizens, and at last proposed that envoys be sent immediately to the consuls and to Pompey to treat for peace and harmony.

  98. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.16.1

    § 41.16.1 He made these same statements also to the populace, when that body had likewise assembled outside the pomerium; and he sent for grain from the islands, and promised to give each citizen three hundred sesterces. He hoped to tempt them with this bait; but the men reflected that those who are pursuing certain ends and those who have attained them do not think or act alike, 2 but at the beginning of their undertakings they offer every conceivable gratification to such as are in a position to work against them in any way, whereas, when they succeed in what they wish, they remember none of their promises and use against those very persons the power which they have received from them. Recalling also the behaviour of Marius and Sulla, —

  99. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.16.3

    § 41.16.3 how many benevolent phrases they had often addressed to them and then what treatment they had accorded them in return for their services, — and furthermore perceiving Caesar's need and seeing that his armed forces were many and were everywhere in the city, they were unable either to trust his words or to be cheered by them. On the contrary, as they had fresh in their memory the fear caused by former events, they suspected him also, particularly since the envoys who were to effect the “reconciliation,” as he termed it, did not set out after being chosen; indeed, Piso, his father-in law, was once called to account for so much as referring to them.

  100. urn:cts:greekLit:tlg0385.tlg001:41.17.1

    § 41.17.1 And far from receiving at that time the money which he had promised them, the people had to give him all the rest that remained in the treasury for the support of his soldiers, whom they feared. In honour of all these things, as if they were propitious events, the citizens changed back to the garb of peace, which up to this time they had not resumed. 2 Now Lucius Metellus, a tribune, opposed the proposition about the money, and when his efforts proved unavailing, he went to the treasury and kept guard at the doors. But the soldiers, paying little heed to the guard he kept or, I imagine, to his outspokenness either, cut the bolt in two (for the consuls had the key, just as if it were not possible for persons to use axes in place of it!) and carried off all the money.

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Via ToposText (topostext.org), a project of the Aikaterini Laskaridis Foundation created by Brady Kiesling. Translated by Earnest Cary (1879-19??). Composed ca. 230 CE. Licence: public domain. Source.