History of the Peloponnesian War

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2.5.7.1
At any rate the Thebans retired from the territory without having done any injury; but the Plataeans, after getting in as quickly as possible whatever they had in the country, immediately put the men to death. Those who had been taken were one hundred and eighty, and Eurymachus, with whom the traitors had negotiated, was one of them.
2.6.1.1
When they had done this, they sent a messenger to Athens, and gave back the dead to the Thebans under a truce, and arranged matters in the city to suit their present circumstances, as seemed best to them.—Now news had immediately been taken to the Athenians of what had been done with respect to the Plataeans;
2.6.2.1
and they straightway seized as many of the Boeotians as were in Attica, and sent a herald to Plataea, with orders to forbid their proceeding to extremities, in the case of the Thebans whom they had in their hands, till they also should take counsel about them:
2.6.3.1
for tidings of their being dead had not yet reached them. For the first messenger [of the Plataeans] had gone out at the very time of the entering of the Thebans; and the second, when they had just been conquered and taken: so that of the subsequent events they knew nothing. Thus then the Athenians were in ignorance when they sent their order; and the herald, on his arrival, found the men slain.
2.6.4.1
After this the Athenians marched to Plataea, and brought in provisions, and left a garrison in it, and took out the least efficient of the men with the women and children.
2.7.1.1
When the business at Plataea had occurred, and the treaty had been clearly broken, the Athenians began to prepare for going to war; and so did the Lacedaemonians and their allies, both intending to send embassies to the king, and to the barbarians in other parts, from whatever quarter either party hoped to gain any assistance, and bringing into alliance with them such states as were not in their power.
2.7.2.1
And on the side of the Lacedaemonians, in addition to the ships already on the spot in Sicily and Italy, belonging to those who had espoused their cause, they were ordered to build more according to the greatness of the cities, so that in the whole number they should amount to five hundred; and to get ready a certain sum of money which was mentioned, while they remained quiet in other respects, and received the Athenians coming with a single ship, till these preparations should be made.
2.7.3.1
The Athenians, on the other hand, were inspecting their present confederacy, and sending ambassadors to the countries more immediately around the Peloponnese, as Corcyra, Cephallenia, Acarnania, and Zacynthus; seeing that if these were firm friends to them, they would successfully carry on the war round the Peloponnese.
2.8.1.1
Indeed both parties had no small designs, but put forth their strength to the war: and not unnaturally; for all men at the beginning apply themselves to it more eagerly; and at that time the young men, being numerous in the Peloponnese, and also at Athens, were, through their inexperience, not unwilling to engage in the war. And the rest of Greece was all in excitement at the conflict of the principal states.
2.8.2.1
And many prophecies were repeated, and reciters of oracles were singing many of them, both amongst those who were going to war and in the other states.
2.8.3.1
Moreover, Delos had been visited by an earthquake a short time before this, though it had never had a shock before in the memory of the Greeks; and it was said and thought to have been ominous of what was about to take place. And whatever else of this kind had happened to occur was all searched up.
2.8.4.1
The good wishes of men made greatly for the Lacedaemonians, especially as they gave out that they were the liberators of Greece. And every individual, as well as state put forth his strength to help them in whatever he could, both by word and deed,; and each thought that the cause was impeded at that point at which he himself would not be present. So angry were the generality with the Athenians;
2.8.5.1
some from a wish to be released from their dominion, others from a fear of being brought under it. With such preparations and feelings then did they enter on the contest.
2.9.1.1
Each party had the following states in alliance when they set to the war. The allies of the Lacedaemonians were these:
2.9.2.1
all the Peloponnesians within the Isthmus, except the Argives and Achaeans (these were in friendship with both parties; and the Pellenians were the only people of the Achaeans that joined in the war at first, though afterwards all of them did); and without the Peloponnese, the Megareans, Locrians, Boeotians, Phocians, Ambraciots, Leucadians, and Anactorians.
2.9.3.1
Of these, the states which furnished a navy were the Corinthians, Megareans, Sicyonians, Pellenians, Eleans, Ambraciots, and Leucadians. Those that supplied cavalry were the Boeotians, Phocians, and Locrians. The rest of them sent infantry. This then was the Lacedaemonian confederacy.
2.9.4.1
That of the Athenians comprehended the Chians, Lesbians, Plataeans, the Messenians at Naupactus, the greater part of the Acarnanians, the Corcyreans, the Zacynthians: also some other states which were tributary amongst the following nations; as the maritime parts of Caria, and Doris adjacent to it, Ionia, the Hellespont, the Greek towns Thrace-ward; the islands, which were situated between the Peloponnese and Crete, towards the east, and all the rest of the Cyclades except Melos and Thera.
2.9.5.1
Of these, the Chians, Lesbians, and Corcyraeans furnished a naval force, the rest of them infantry and money.
2.9.6.1
Such was the confederacy on each side, and their resources for the war.
2.10.1.1
The Lacedaemonians, immediately after what had happened at Plataea, sent round orders through the Peloponnese and the rest of their confederacy, for the states to prepare an army and such provisions as it was proper to have for a foreign expedition, with a view to invading Attica.
2.10.2.1
When they had each got ready by the appointed time, two thirds from every state assembled at the Isthmus.
2.10.3.1
And after the whole army was mustered, Archidamus, the king of the Lacedaemonians, who led this expedition, summoned to his presence the generals of all the states, and those highest in office and of most importance, and spoke to the following purport:
2.11.1.1
Men of the Peloponnese and allies, both our fathers made many expeditions, as well in the Peloponnese as out of it, and the elder part of ourselves are not without experience in wars. Never yet, however, have we marched out with a greater force than this; but we are now going against a most powerful state, and with a most numerous and most excellently equipped army on our own side.
2.11.2.1
We ought then to show ourselves neither inferior to our fathers, nor degenerated from our own character. For the whole of Greece has its expectation raised, and is paying attention to this attack, with good wishes that we may succeed in our designs, through their hatred of the Athenians.
2.11.3.1
Though, then, some may think that we are making the attack with superior numbers, and that it is very certain our adversaries will not meet us in battle, we must not, for this reason, go at all less carefully prepared; but both the general and soldier of each state should, as far as concerns himself, be always expecting to come into danger. For the events of war are uncertain, and attacks are generally made in it with short notice, and under the impulse of passion;
2.11.4.1
frequently, too, has the less number, through being afraid, more successfully repelled the more numerous forces, through their being unprepared in consequence of their contempt.
2.11.5.1
In the enemy's country indeed men ought always to march with boldness of feeling, but at the same time to make their actual preparations with a degree of fear; for in this way they would be at once most full of courage for attacking their adversaries, and most secure against being attacked.
2.11.6.1
But in our own case, we are not going against a state that is so powerless to defend itself, but against one most excellently provided with every thing; so that we must fully expect that they will meet us in battle; and if they have not already set out before we are there, yet [that they will do so], when they see us in their territory wasting and destroying their property.
2.11.7.1
For all are angry, when suffering any unwonted evil, to see it done before their eyes, and in their very presence: and those who [on such provocation] reflect the least, set to work with the greatest passion [to avenge themselves].
2.11.8.1
And it is natural that the Athenians should do so even to a greater extent than other, since they presume to rule the rest of the world, and to go against and ravage their neighbours' land, rather than see their own ravaged.
2.11.9.1
As then we are marching against a state of this description, and shall gain for our forefathers, as well as for ourselves, the most decided character, one way or the other, from the results; follow where any one may lead you valuing order and caution above every thing, and with quickness receiving your commands. For this is the finest and the safest thing that can be seen, for a large body of men to show themselves maintaining uniform discipline.
2.12.1.1
Having thus spoken, and dismissed the assembly, Archidamus first sent Melesippus son of Diacritus, a Spartan, to Athens; in case the Athenians might be more disposed to submit, when they saw that the Peloponnesians were now on their march. But they did not admit him into the city, nor to their assembly;
2.12.2.1
for the opinion of Pericles had previously been adopted, not to admit any herald with an embassy from the Lacedaemonians, when they had once marched out from their frontiers. They sent him back therefore before hearing him, and ordered him to beyond the borders that same day, and [to tell those who sent him] that in future, if they wished to propose any thing, they should send ambassadors after they had retired to their own territories.
2.12.3.1
And they sent an escort with Melesippus, to prevent his holding communication with any one. When he was on the frontiers, and was about to be dismissed, he spoke these words and departed This day will be the beginning of great evils to Greece.
2.12.4.1
When he arrived at the camp, and Archidamus found that the Athenians would not yet submit at all, he then set out and advanced with his army into their territory.
2.12.5.1
At the same time, the Boeotians, while they furnished their contingent and their cavalry to join the Peloponnesians in their expedition, went to Plataea with the remainder of their force, and laid waste their land.
2.13.1.1
While the Peloponnesians were still assembling at the Isthmus, and were on their march, before they invaded Attica, Pericles, son of Xanthippus, who was general of the Athenians with nine colleagues, when he found that the invasion would take place, suspected that either Archidamus, because he happened to be his friend, might frequently pass over his lands, and not ravage them, from a personal wish to oblige him; or that this might be done at the command of the Lacedaemonians for the purpose of raising a slander against him —as it was also with reference to him that they had charged them to drive out the accursed; and therefore he publicly declared to the Athenians in the assembly, that though Archidamus was his friend, he had not been admitted into his friendship for any harm to the state; should, then, the enemy not lay waste his lands and houses, like those of the rest, he gave them up to be public property, and that no suspicion might arise against him on these grounds.
2.13.2.1
He gave them advice also on their present affairs, the same as he had before given; namely, to prepare for the war, and bring in their property from the country, and not go out against them to battle, but to come in and guard the city, and get ready their fleet, in which they were so strong, and keep the allies tight in hand; reminding them that their main strength was derived from the returns of the money paid by these, and that most of the advantages in war were gained by counsel and abundance of money.
2.13.3.1
And [on this head] he told them to be of good courage, as the state had, on an average, six hundred talents coming in yearly as tribute from the allies, not reckoning its other sources of income; while there were still at that time in the Acropolis 6000 talents of coined silver;
2.13.4.1
(for the greatest sum there had ever been was 9700 talents, from which had been taken what was spent on the propylaea of the citadel, and the other buildings, and on Potidaea;) and besides, of uncoined gold and silver in private and public offerings, and all the sacred utensils for the processions and games, and the Median spoils, and every thing else of the kind, there was not less than 500 talents.
2.13.5.1
Moreover, he added the treasures in the other temples, to no small amount, which they would use; and, in case of their being absolutely excluded from all resources, even the golden appendages of the goddess herself; explaining to them that the statue contained 40 talents of pure gold, and that it was all removable; and after using it for their preservation they must, he said, restore it to the same amount.
2.13.6.1
With regard to money, then, he thus encouraged them. And as for heavy-armed troops, he told them that they had thirteen thousand, besides those in garrisons and on the ramparts to the number of sixteen thousand.
2.13.7.1
For this was the number that kept guard at first, whenever the enemy made an incursion, drawn from the oldest and the youngest, and such of the resident aliens as were heavyarmed. For of the Phaleric wall there were five and thirty stades to the circuit of the city wall; and of that circuit itself the guarded part was three and forty stades; a certain part of it being unguarded, viz. that between the long wall and the Phaleric. There were also the long walls to the Piraeus, a distance of forty states, of which the outer one was manned; while the whole circumference of Piraeus with Munychia was sixty stades, though the guarded part was only half that extent. Of cavalry, again, he showed them that they had twelve hundred, including mounted bowmen;
2.13.8.1
with sixteen hundred bowmen [on foot], and three hundred triremes fit for service.
2.13.9.1
These resources, and no fewer than these in their several kinds, had the Athenians, when the invasion of the Peloponnesians was first going to be made, and when they were setting to the war. Other statements also did Pericles make to them, as he was accustomed, to prove that they would have the superiority in the war.
2.14.1.1
The Athenians were persuaded by what they heard from him; and proceeded to bring in from the country their children and wives, and all the furniture which they used in their houses, pulling down even the wood-work of their residences; while they sent their sheep and cattle over to Euboea and the adjacent islands.
2.14.2.1
But the removal was made by them with reluctance, from the greater part having always been accustomed to live in the country.
2.15.1.1
This had, from the very earliest times, been the case with the Athenian; more than with others. For under Cecrops, and the first kings, down to the reign of Theseus, the population of Athens had always inhabited independent cities, with their own guild-halls and magistrates; and at such times as they were not in fear of any danger, they did not meet the king to consult with him, but themselves severally conducted their own government, and took their own counsel;
2.15.2.1
and there were instances in which some of them even waged war [against him], as the Eleusinians with Eumolpus did against Erectheus. But when Theseus had come to the throne, who along with wisdom had power also, he both regulated the country in other respects, and having abolished the council-houses and magistracies of the other cities, he brought them all into union with the present city, assigning them one guild-hall and one council-house; and compelled them all, while they enjoyed each their own property as before, to use this one city only; which, since all were counted as belonging to it, became great, and was so bequeathed by Theseus to those who came after him. And from that time even to this the Athenians keep, at the public expense, a festival to the goddess, called Synoecia.
2.15.3.1
Before that time, what is now the citadel was the city, with the district which lies under it, looking chiefly towards the south.
2.15.4.1
And this is a proof of it; the temples of the other gods as well [as of Minerva] are in the citadel itself, and those that are out of it are situated chiefly in this part of the city; as that of the Olympian Jupiter, of the Pythian Apollo, of Terra and of Bacchus in Limnae, in whose honour the more ancient festival of Bacchus is held on the twelfth day of the month Anthesterion; as the Ionians also, who are descended from the Athenians, even to this day observe it. And there are other ancient temples also situated in this quarter.
2.15.5.1
The conduit too, which is now called Enneacrunus, [or, nine-pipes,] from the tyrants having so constituted it, but which had formerly the name of Calirrhoe, when the springs were open, the men of that day used, as it was near, on the most important occasions; and even at the present time they are accustomed, from the old fashion, to use the water before marriages, and for other sacred purposes.
2.15.6.1
Moreover, from their living of old in this quarter, the citadel even to this day is called by the Athenians the city.
2.16.1.1
For a long time then the Athenians enjoyed their independent life in the country; and after they were united, still, from the force of habit, the generality of them at that early period, and even afterwards, down to the time of this war, having with all their families settled and lived in the country, did not remove without reluctance, (especially as they had but lately recovered their establishments after the Median war,) but were distressed and grieved to leave their houses, and the temples which, according to the spirit of the ancient constitution, had always been regarded by them as the places of their hereditary worship;
2.16.2.1
going, as they now were, to change their mode of life, and each of them doing what was equivalent to leaving his native city.
2.17.1.1
When they came into the city, some few indeed had residences, and a place of refuge with some of their friends or relations; but the great bulk of them dwelt in the unoccupied parts of the city, and in all the temples and hero-chapels, except the Acropolis, and the temple of the Eleusinian Ceres, and any other that was kept constantly locked up. The Pelasgium also, as it is called, under the Acropolis, which it was even forbidden by a curse to inhabit, and prohibited by the end of a Pythian oracle, to this effect, the Pelasgium is better unoccupied, was, nevertheless, built over, from the immediate necessity of the case. And, in my opinion, the oracle proved true in the contrary way to what was expected.
2.17.2.1
For it was not, I think, because of their unlawfully inhabiting this spot, that such misfortunes befell the city; but it was owing to the war that the necessity of inhabiting it arose; which war though the god did not mention, he foreknew that [owing to it] the Pelasgium would hereafter be inhabited for no good.
2.17.3.1
Many, too, quartered themselves in the towers of the walls, and in whatever way each could: for the city did not hold them when they were come all together; but subsequently they occupied the long walls, partitioning them out amongst them, and the greater part of the Piraeus.
2.17.4.1
At the same time they also applied themselves to matters connected with the war; mustering their allies, and equipping an armament of a hundred ships for the Peloponnese.
2.17.5.1
The Athenians then were in this state of preparation.
2.18.1.1
As for the army of the Peloponnesians, on the other hand, the first town it came to in Attica was Oenoe, at which point they intended to make their inroad.
2.18.2.1
And having sat down before it, they prepared to make assaults on the wall, both with engines and in every other way. For Oenoe, as lying on the frontiers of Attica and Boeotia, had been surrounded with a wall, and the Athenians used it as a garrisoned fort, whenever any war befell them.
2.18.3.1
They prepared then for assaulting it, and wasted their time about it to no purpose. And from this delay, Archidamus incurred the greatest censure: though he had, even while the war was gathering, been thought to show a want of spirit, and to favour the Athenians, by not heartily recommending hostilities. And again, after the army was mustered, the stay that was made at the Isthmus, and his slowness on the rest of the march, gave occasion for charges against him, but most of all his stopping at Oenoe.
2.18.4.1
For the Athenians during this time were carrying in their property, and the Peloponnesians thought that by advancing against them quickly they would have found every thing still out, but for his dilatoriness.
2.18.5.1
Such resentment did the army feel towards Archidamus during the siege. But he, it is said, was waiting in expectation that the Athenians would give in, while their land was still unravaged, and would shrink from enduring to see it wasted.
2.19.1.1
When, however, after assaulting Oenoe, and trying every method, they were unable to take the place, and the Athenians sent no herald to them, then indeed they set out from before it, and about eighty days after the events at Plataea, caused by the Thebans who had entered it, when the summer was at its height, and the corn ripe, they made their incursion into Attica; Archidamus son of Zeuxidamus, king of the Lacedaemonians, being their commander.
2.19.2.1
After pitching their camp there, they first ravaged Eleusis and the Thriasian plain, and put to flight some Athenian cavalry near a place called Rheiti [or the brooks ]. Afterwards they continued their march, keeping Mount Aegaleos on their right through Cropaea, till they came to Acharnae, a place which is the largest of the demes, [or townships,] as they are called, of Attica. And sitting down before it they formed an encampment, and stayed a long time in the place, and continued ravaging it.
2.20.1.1
It was with the following views that Archidamus is said to have remained in order of battle at Acharnae, and not to have gone down to the plain during that incursion.
2.20.2.1
He hoped that the Athenians, abounding as they were in numbers of young men, and prepared for war as they had never before been, would perhaps come out against him, and not stand still and see their land ravaged.
2.20.3.1
Since, then, they had not met him at Eleusis and the Thriasian plain, he pitched his camp at Acharnae, and tried whether they would now march out against him.
2.20.4.1
For he thought the post a favourable one for encamping in, and moreover that the Acharnians, forming as they did a large part of the state, (for they amounted to three thousand heavy-armed,) would not overlook the destruction of what belonged to them, but would stir up the whole army also to an engagement. If, on the other hand, the Athenians should not come out against him during that incursion, he would then lay waste the plain with less fear in future, and advance to the city itself; for the Acharnians, after losing their own property, would not be so forward to run into danger for that of other people, but there would be a division in their counsels.
2.20.5.1
It was with this view of the case that Archidamus remained at Acharnae.
2.21.1.1
As for the Athenians, so long as the army was in the neighbourhood of Eleusis and the Thriasian plain, they had some hope of its not advancing nearer; remembering the case of Pleistoanax, the son of Pausanias, the king of the Lacedaemonians, when with a Peloponnesian army he made an inroad into Attica, as far as Eleusis and Thria, fourteen years before this war, and retired again without advancing any further (for which reason indeed he was banished from Sparta, as he was thought to have been bribed to make the retreat).
2.21.2.1
When, however, they saw the army at Acharnae, only sixty stades from the city, they considered it no longer bearable, and, as was natural, when their land was being ravaged before their eyes—a thing which the younger men had never yet seen, nor even the elder, except in the Persian wars—it was thought a great indignity, and all of them, especially the young men, determined to go out against them, and not to put up with it.
2.21.3.1
They met therefore in knots and were in a state of great dissension, some urging them to go out, others dissuading them from it. Prophets too were repeating all kinds of oracles, to which they eagerly listened, as they were severally disposed. The Acharnians especially, thinking that no considerable part of the Athenian forces was in their ranks, urged them to march out, while their land was being ravaged. Nay, in every way the city was excited; and they were angry with Pericles, and remembered none of the advice which he had before given them, but abused him for not leading them out, as their general; and they regarded him as the author of all that they were suffering.
2.22.1.1
He, in the mean time, seeing them angry at the present state of things, and not in the best mind; and being confident that he took a right view in not wishing to march out against the enemy, did not call them to an assembly, or any other meeting (that they might not commit themselves by coming together with more anger than judgment);
2.22.2.1
but looked to the defence of the city and kept it quiet, as far as possible. He was, however, continually sending out cavalry, to prevent the advanced guard of the army from falling on the estates near the city and ravaging them. There was also a skirmish of cavalry at Phrygia, between one squadron of the Athenian horse, joined by some Thessalians, and the cavalry of the Boeotians, in which the Athenians and Thessalians had rather the advantage, until, on the heavy-armed coming to the succour of the Boeotians, they were routed, and some few of them killed: they took up their bodies however on the same day without a truce;
2.22.3.1
and the Peloponnesians erected a trophy the day after. This assistance on the part of the Thessalians was given to the Athenians on the ground of their ancient alliance; and those who came to them consisted of Larissaeans, Pharsalians, [Parasians,] Cranonians, Pyrasians, Gyrtonians, and Pheraeans. Their commanders were Polymedes and Aristonus, each from his own faction, and Menon from Pharsalus. The rest also had their commanders according to their respective cities.
2.23.1.1
The Peloponnesians, when the Athenians did not come out against them to battle, broke up from before Acharnae, and proceeded to ravage some others of the townships between Mount Parnes and Brilessus.
2.23.2.1
While they were in the country, the Athenians despatched round the Peloponnese the hundred ships they were preparing, [when I last mentioned them,] with a thousand heavy-armed on board, and four hundred bowmen under the command of Caranus son of Xenotimus, Proteas son of Epicles, and Socrates son of Antigenes.
2.23.3.1
So they weighed anchor, and were cruising round with this armament; while the Peloponnesians, after staying in Attica the time for which they had provisions, retired through Boeotia, (not by the same way they had made their inroad,) and passing by Oropus ravaged the Piraic territory, as it is called, which the Oropians inhabit as subjects of the Athenians. On arriving at the Peloponnese, they were disbanded, and returned to their several cities.
2.24.1.1
When they had retired, the Athenians set guards by land and by sea, as they intended to keep them through the whole war. And they resolved to take out and set apart a thousand talents from the money in the Acropolis, and not to spend them, but to carry on the war with their other resources; and if any one should move or put to the vote a proposition for applying that money to any other purpose, except in case of the enemy sailing against the city with a naval armament, and its being necessary to defend themselves, they declared it a capital offence.
2.24.2.1
Together with this sum of money, they also laid by a hundred triremes, the best they had each year, and trierarchs for them; none of which were they to use except with the money, and in the same peril [as that was reserved for], should any such necessity arise.
2.25.1.1
The Athenians on board the hundred ships around Peloponnese, and the Corcyraeans with them, who had come to their aid with fifty ships, and some others of the allies in those parts, ravaged other places as they cruised round, and landed at Methone in Laconia, and assaulted the wall, which was weak and had no men within it.
2.25.2.1
Now Brasidas, son of Tellis, a Spartan, happened to be in command of a guard for the defence of those parts; and, on hearing of the attack, he came to the assistance of those in the place with a hundred heavy-armed. Dashing, therefore, through the army of the Athenians, which was scattered over the country, and had its attention directed towards the wall, he threw himself into Methone; and having lost a few of his own men in entering it, both saved the city, and from this daring deed was the first that received praise at Sparta in the course of the war.
2.25.3.1
Upon this the Athenians weighed anchor, and coasted along; and landing at Pheia in Elis, they ravaged the territory for two days, and conquered in battle three hundred picked men, who had come to the rescue from the inhabitants of the Vale of Elis, and from the Eleans in the immediate neighbourhood.
2.25.4.1
But a violent wind coming down upon them, being exposed to the storm in a harbourless place, the greater part of them went on board their ships, and sailed round the promontory called Ichthys, into the port at Pheia; but the Messenians, and some others who would not go on board, went in the mean time by land, and took Pheia.
2.25.5.1
Afterwards the fleet sailed round and picked them up, and they evacuated the place and put out to sea; the main army of the Eleans having by this time come to its rescue. The Athenians then coasted along to other places and ravaged them.
2.26.1.1
About the same time they sent out thirty ships to cruise about Locris, and also to serve as a guard for Euboea.
2.26.2.1
Their commander was Cleopompus, son of Clinias, who, making descents, ravaged certain places on the sea-coast, and captured Thronium, and took hostages from them; defeating also, in a battle at Alope, those of the Locrians who had come to the rescue.
2.27.1.1
This summer the Athenians also expelled the Aeginetans from their island, themselves, their children, and wives, charging them with being the chief authors of the war they were engaged in; besides Which, it appeared safer to send settlers of their own to hold Aegina, lying so near as it does to the Peloponnese. No long time after therefore they sent the colonists to it;
2.27.2.1
while to the Aeginetans who were expelled the Lacedaemonians gave Thyrea to live in, and the territory to occupy, as well on the ground of their quarrel with the Athenians, as because they had been benefactors to themselves at the time of the earthquake and the insurrection of the Helots. The territory of Thyrea is on the frontier of Argolis and Laconia, stretching down to the sea. So some of them dwelt there, while others were scattered through the rest of Greece.
2.28.1.1
The same summer, at the beginning of a new lunar month, (the only time at which it appears possible,) the sun was eclipsed after mid-day, and became full again after it had assumed a crescent form, and after some of the stars had shone out.
2.29.1.1
It was also in the course of the same summer that Nymphodorus son of Pythes, a man of Abdera, whose sister was the wife of Sitalces, and who had great influence with that monarch, was made their proxenus by the Athenians, who had before considered him hostile to them, and was sent for by them, because they wished Sitalces, son of Teres, king of the Thracians, to become their ally.
2.29.2.1
Now this Teres, the father of Sitalces, was the first who founded the great kingdom of the Odrysae on a larger scale than those in the rest of Thrace;
2.29.3.1
for indeed a large part of the Thracians are independent. This Teres is not at all connected with Tereus who married from Athens Procne, the daughter of Pandion; nor were they of the same part of Thrace. The latter lived in Daulis, a part of what is now called Phocis, which was then inhabited by Thracians. It was in this land that the women perpetrated the [cruel] deed to Itys, and by many of the poets, when they mention the nightingale, it is called the Daulian bird. Besides, it is probable that Pandion should have formed the connexion for his daughter [with one who lived] at that distance, with a view to mutual succour, rather than at the distance of several days' journey, [as it is] to the Odrysae. On the other hand, Teres, besides not having the same name, was the first king of the Odrysae that attained to any power.
2.29.4.1
Sitalecs then, being this man's son, the Athenians made their ally, wishing him to join them in conquering the Thrace-ward towns and Perdiccas.
2.29.5.1
So Nymphodorus came to Athens and concluded the alliance with Sitalces, and made his own son Sadocus a citizen of Athens, and undertook to bring to a close the war on the side of Thrace; for he said he would persuade Sitalces to send the Athenians a Thracian force of cavalry and targeteers.
2.29.6.1
Moreover, he reconciled Perdiccas to the Athenians, and also persuaded them to restore Therme to him; and Perdiccas immediately joined in an expedition against the Chalcidians with the Athenians and Phormio.
2.29.7.1
Thus Sitalces son of Teres, king of the Thracians, became an ally of the Athenians, as also did Perdiccas son of Alexander, king of the Macedonians.

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