Col. William Leake, Travels in Northern Greece (v. 1-4)

§ 2.560 the higher terrace, below which were others within the peribolus containing the treasuries described by Pausanias, as well as the other monuments and sacred offerings. It is to be supposed that there were steps from one platform to another, besides lateral passages in the transverse direction; and the inscribed walls were perhaps nothing more than the supports of the superior terraces, the inscriptions on which might be very conveniently read from the inferior platforms, and thus became a commodious place of register for the Delphi [ Delphi is not the only instance of a Greek city which had no name in ordinary use but the gentile. I find from the inscriptions existing here that a native of the place was Δελφός, a woman Δελφή. The people are sometimes οι Δελφοί and sometimes Δελφοί, without the article.] As ancient temples in general, but especially those of Apollo, fronted the east, we cannot doubt that the temple of Delphi had that aspect; and the relative situations of the tomb of Neoptolemus, of the fountain Cassotis, and of the temple, as already indicated, will accord with that supposition, Pausanias having remarked that on going out of the temple it was necessary to turn to the left to arrive at the tomb of Neoptolemus, and that the fountain Cassotis occurred in returning to the temple from the stone of Saturn, which was above the tomb of Neoptolemus. As this stone must have been very near the cliffs, it was probably one of those numerous fragments which have fallen from them. Pausanias proceeds to remark that the Lesche stood above Cassotis; and after a long description of the picture of Polygnotus, he

§ 2.561 then states that the theatre adjoined the sacred peribolus, that on ascending from the latter there was a statue of Bacchus, and that the stadium was in the highest part of the city. Hence there is a great probability that the theatre occupied the ground immediately below the stadium, adjacent to the village on the western side, comprehending perhaps a part of its site, as well because the words of Pausanias tend to that conclusion, as because among the Greeks the theatre and stadium were commonly contiguous to, or not very distant from each other; and that in the present instance there was not elsewhere any space adjacent to the sacred peribolus, sufficient for so

§ 2.562 large a building as we cannot but suppose the theatre of Delphi to have been, except below the modern village, from whence there would have been an ascent of at least five hundred yards from the theatre to the stadium, which on so steep a mountain would have been very inconvenient. Although Pausanias does not exactly indicate the relative situations of the temple of Minerva Pronaea and of the gymnasium, there seems little doubt, from the tenor of his narrative, that the four temples, the gymnasium, and the Castalia, occurred in succession, or nearly so, in the road which led from the eastern entrance of the city to the temple of Apollo; and as he states the gymnasium to have been about three stades from the river Pleistus, which agrees with the position of the ancient wall supporting the terrace of the monastery of Panaghia, there seems little doubt that these walls indicate the site of the gymnasium. Other foundations immediately above it, probably, belong to the peribolus of the temple of Pronaea, for this temple was a little below, or to the left of the road leading to the Castalia and the temple, but not far from the overhanging rocks, as appears from Herodotus, who relates that the temenus of Phylacus, which Pausanias places near the temple of Pronaea, was above that temple on the road sideand who adds, that when the Persians of Xerxes arrived near the temple of Pronaea, large masses of rock fell from the precipices upon the

§ 2.563 barbarians, and settled in the temenus of Pronsea, where they still remained in the time of the historian. It is not improbable that the ancient road was to the right of the modern path, the earth and detached rocks having a tendency to accumulate at the foot of the precipices, and the actual traces of an ancient road nearer to the precipices than the modern route, greatly favouring the same opinion. Some other terrace walls about midway between the monastery and the tower near the eastern cemetery, may have been the platforms of the three temples at the entrance of Delphi, of which Pausanias has not given us the names. One of the most remarkable features in the site of Delphi is the great ridge on the western side, which advances from the rocks of Parnassus and terminates abruptly towards the Pleistus, which separates that termination from the opposite precipices of Mount Cirphis. This western ridge being higher than any part of the site of Delphi, unless it be the ground immediately at the foot of the rocks, is not beneficial to the place, inasmuch as it concentrates the heat, intercepts the imbat, and prevents the western breezes from moderating the heat in summer, which notwithstanding an elevation of twelve or fifteen hundred feet above the sea, is rendered excessive by the reflection of the sun from the great south-wall of cliffs at the back of the site.

§ 2.564 The Kastrites accordingly describe the air as heavy in summer, but complain still more of the terrible gales which in winter often draw through the Parnassian valley. But though the western range may not improve the climate of Delphi, the exclusion of the city from the view of the Crissaean plain and bay which it caused, added greatly to the singularly wild and sequestered nature of the place, so well suited to assist in producing those effects to which all the resources of Grecian art and priestcraft were here directed. Even by preventing the persons in the theorise, or processions which landed at Cirrha, from beholding the city at a distance, it contributed to the same objects. There are two roads by which they may have approached: either following the valley of the Pleistus until they passed the straits at the end of the western ridge, when they would have seen the buildings at a great height above them, and rather in too confused and compressed a manner; or by the modern road from Krisso which crosses, in a hollow, the middle of the western ridge, exactly in the position where the magnificent view which then suddenly opened upon them for the first time, was seen in the most advantageous point, and at a distance calculated to produce the most striking effect. By this route, therefore, I have little doubt that the theoriae approached, and formed a pageant probably not exceeded in magnificence by any of the ceremonies of antiquity, not even the Panathenaic procession to the Parthenon.

§ 2.565 Above the hollow way in the western ridge foundations of walls flanked with towers may be traced at intervals along the crest of the ridge as far as the great cliffs, which were themselves a sufficient defence to the north. These are evidently the western walls of Delphi, and they are the more worthy of notice, as history testifies that Delphi was not a fortified city, when Philomelus, the Phocian, seized it in the Sacred War, and suspended the authority of the Amphictyones. Justin again expressly states in his narrative of the attack of the Gauls, in the year B.C. 278, that Delphi was not fortified, and Livy almost implies the same in relating an attempt which was made, in the year B.C. 172, by Perseus, to assassinate Eumenes as he approached Delphi in coming from Crissa. The historian states that Eumenes was assaulted by the conspirators on the ascent to Delphi, as he approached the buildings, which would hardly have been his mode of

§ 2.566 expression if the town had been walled. Probably therefore the existing walls are of a subsequent date, and were constructed when the sanctity of the place was falling into disrespect, and the Delphi became convinced of the necessity of resorting to more vulgar means of protection. The transaction related by Livy seems to have occurred on the ascent of the western ridge, near the summit, and exactly in the modern road, for this probably coincides with the ancient, there being little doubt that Crissa occupied the site of the modern Krisso. There are many sepulchral excavations in the rocks on the outside of the walls on the western side and sori in the cornfields below, many of which are buried in the ground, like those near the eastern entrance of the city. Exactly in the opening of the ridge, one of the excavations consists of a spacious apartment between two sepulchral chambere, at the end of which is a semicircular seat, affording a delightful place of repose in the heat of summer. On the crest of the same ridge, midway between the road and the foot of the great cliffs, rises a tumulus, which its elevated situation renders a conspicuous object, and on the eastern slope of the ridge, very near the right hand side of the modern road at its entrance into the site of Delphi, stands a small church of St. Elias upon an artificial platform, which is supported by two ancient walls meeting in a right angle, like those at the Panaghia, equally well constructed, and evidently belonging to one of the principal edifices of the city.

§ 2.567 There is however no building described by Pausanias in this situation, and although one of the most advantageous in the site, it is comparatively remote from that part of the town which contained the Hierum and its appendages. Possibly it may have been the Pylaea, or palace of the Amphictyones, which was remarked for its magnifioence, although in a city noted for the splendour of its edifices. To the eastward of St. Elias, in a lower situation, another Hellenic wall, similar to that which supports the terrace of St. Elias, crosses the slope of the hill towards the ravine of the Castalian torrent. This may perhaps have been the southern wall of the city, for its extent on the three other sides beiug known, the whole circumference will on this supposition agree with the 16 stades which have been assigned to it by Strabo. The prospect from the western ridge is very magnificent. The Parnassia Nape, although not so well seen as from Mount Cirphis, is all comprehended within the view as far as Arakhova. To the southward the prospect is bounded beyond the Corinthiac gulf by the majestic Cyllene, to the right of which is seen the gulf of Galaxidhi, and the plain of Salona, covered with olive trees, and hence much more beautiful than it was anciently, when as Pausanias tells us it was quite naked.

§ 2.568 Beyond these the great Locro-Aetolian range rises to a height in some parts nearly equal to that of Parnassus. It is clothed with woods above, adorned below with the picturesque town of S41ona and several of its dependent villages, and extends northward nearly in a direct line towards the great summit of Oeta, near Neopatra. The most remarkable point in the range, is the same so conspicuous in many parts of Boeotia and PAods, and there called Mavrolithari from a village of that name near it, which is 6 hours distant from Neopatra, and 12 from Sdlona, nearly in a line from the one to the other. Of the two summits above the Castalian spring, which are divided from each other by the Arkudhorema, and which very much to the convenience of the geographer render the site of Delphi recognizable at a great distance, the western is now named Rodhini, and the eastern Flemboko. The ancient names of these celebrated peaks were Nauplia and Hyampeia, and it seems clear from Herodotus that the latter was the eastern, for he says, in describing the heroum of Autonous, that it was under the summit Hyampeia, near the Castalian fountain, which is on the eastern side of the Arkudhοrema. There was a tradition that the Delphi put Aεsop to death by throwing him over the Hyampeia, and that in after ages, from respect to his memory, the Nauplia was made the place of exit for criminals instead of the Hyampeia. This also is in favour of the eastern vertex having

§ 2.569 been the Hyampeia, since it is more probable that the original place of execution should have been the nearest to the extremity of the town, and that it should have been the higher of the two summits, both which particulars are applicable to the eastern summit. It appears that the whole line of cliffs on the northern side was known by the name of αἱ Φαιδριάδες πέτραι, for according to Suidas, Aesop was precipitated from the rocks Phaedriades; and in the Phocic war, B.C. 354, when Philomelus was attacked by the Locri, it is related by Diodorus that an action occurred near the rocks Phaedriades, and that Philomelus having gained the victory, drove many of the enemy over the rocks. It would seem that the Locri had entered the upper region of Parnassus from their own territory, which adjoined the western part of it, and that they had advanced as far as the summit of the cliffs before they were met by Philomelus. Like the acropolis of Athens, and the sacred incloeure of Eleusis, the Delphic sanctuary is so encumbered by modern habitations, that nothing short of their removal, and the entire clearing of the site from the accumulated rubbish of ages can supply satisfactory particulars of the design or architecture of the temple and its adjunct buildings. In all these celebrated places, so rich formerly in productions of art, the sacrifice would probably be' fully compensated by the discoveries.

§ 2.570 The only relic now remaining at Delphi which I can suppose to have belonged to the temple of Apollo is a piece of Doric column in the village of Kastri, having a fluting of about a foot in the chord. According to the usual proportions of the order, such a fluting would require a diameter of about six feet and a half, and will therefore lead to the inference that.the temple was a hexastyle, not so broad or. so high as that of Olympia, of which the columns were more than seven feet in diameter. This perhaps is nearly what might be presumed, from the temple having been more ancient than that of Olympia, that hexastyle temple and its cotemporary the Parthenon, which was an octastyle of the same dimensions, having been built exactly at the lime when power and opulence made the most rapid advances, and when the people of Elis and Athens had the means of indulging their ostentation under the cloak of devotion, so as to execute buildings, exceeding all preceding attempts of the Greeks, in honour of their gods. The last Delphic temple was 50 or 60 years older than the Parthenon, having been built about 510 B.C. in consequence of the destruction by fire in the year 548 B.C. of that which had been built before the Trojan war by Trophonius and Agamedes. The funds for the reconstruction were derived from a general contribution to which even the distant colony of Greeks at Sais in the Delta were parties, and Amasis king of Egypt. The contract for the work was taken by the family of the Alcmyonidae of Athens, who engaged with the Amphictyones to rebuild the temple, with the stone called Porus,

§ 2.571 for the sum of 300 talents, (probably not half the cost of the Parthenon ) and gave a noble example of liberality in adding at their own expence a facing of Parian marble, and some other ornaments to which they were not bound by the contract. The architect was Spintharus, a Corinthian. Justin relates, that when the Gauls attacked Delphi, the priests who ascribed their defeat to the immediate interposition of Apollo, declared that they saw him descend into the temple through the open part of the roof (per culminis aperta fastigia). Hence it appears to have been hypaethral, as temples of that magnitude generally were. The aeti contained figures of Diana, Latona, Apollo, the Muses, the setting Sun, Bacchus, and the Thyiades, begun by Praxias, and finished after his death by Androsthenes, both of whom were Athenians. As in the Parthenon, gilded shields were suspended on a part of the entablature: they were the spoils of two very distant nations, but nearly of the same form, those of the Persians had been dedicated by the Athenians from the spoils of Marathon, the Gallic shields by the Aetolians. In the pronaus stood a brazen image of Homer upon a pillar, and on the walls were inscribed sentences written by the Seven men whom the Greeks called the Wise. In the cella were an altar of Neptune, to whom the oracle in the most

§ 2.572 ancient times was said to have belonged, statues of two Fates, with Jupiter and Apollo as their leaders, the hearth upon which the priest of Apollo slew Neoptolemus, and the iron chair of Pindar, upon which he was said to have sung his hymns to Apollo. These are the remarks of Pausanias, from whose silence we may infer that the κρατηρ, or vase of silver, containing 600 amphorae, the work of Theodoras of Samus, which stood in the angle of the pronaus to the left, in the time of Herodotus, had long before been converted into money by Philomelus, Sylla, or some other plunderer, as well as all the other gifts of gold and silver, which the Delphi received from Croesus, and cheaply repaid by conferring upon him and the Lydians privileges of the same kind as those mentioned in so many existing inscriptions. From a similar cause the golden tripod, dedicated from the spoils of Platea, which Herodotus describes as having been near the altar of Apollo, no longer remained in the time of Pausanias, who found only, and not in the earne place, the twisted serpents which supported the tripod. It appears from Euripides, in his Ion, the scene of which is laid at Delphi, that two of the representations on the exterior front of the temple were Hercules, attended by Iolaus as shield-bearer, destroying

§ 2.573 the Lernaean hydra with his faulchion and Bellerophon on the horse Pegasus, slaying the Chimaera. They were probably on the metopes of the eastern front. The battle of the giants, which the Chorus describes as being upon the walls, seems to have been a painting on the wall of the pronaus, perhaps by Aristoclides, who is stated by Pliny to have painted this temple. The figures of the Gigantomachia specified by the Chorus, are Minerva striking Enceladus with her spear, Jupiter destroying Mimas with his lightning, and Bacchus smiting another monster with his thyrsus. The poet has likewise described some pepli, or tapestries, in the temple, which were embroidered with battles and other subjects, like those of the Parthenon. Over the door of the cella was written the word El, concerning which Plutarch has written so much to so little purpose. As to the adytum, Pausanias tells us nothing, except that few persons entered into the inmost part of the temple, but that there existed in it a golden

§ 2.574 statue of Apollo. It would seem, therefore, that the priests still endeavoured to obtain respect by an affectation of mystery, and closed the inner sanctuary against casual visitors and the vulgar. From other writers we learn that it contained a perpetual fire, and a narrow orifice in the ground, which was surrounded by a railing, was shaded with laurel, and surmounted by a tripod. Here was seated the priestess when she uttered the oracular responses, after having bathed in the water of Castalia, and crowned herself with the laurel and masticated some of its leaves. It has generally been supposed that the convulsions of the priestess, which preceded her prophetic words, were caused by a mephitic vapour emanating from a fissure in the rock. Pausanias and Lucian, on the contrary, ascribe it to the water of Cassotis. As such a vapour, if it had existed, would probably still find its way out of the ground in the same place, or near it, it is very possible that there never was such a vapour, though the cavern or aperture in the rock may have been real. The propensity of the Greeks to believe in the marvellous, would easily lead them to add a πνεύμα ενθουσιαστικόν to a place which they were not allowed to see, if the priests thought fit to encourage the idea.

§ 2.575 The only buildings within the sacred peribolus, besides the temple, were a portico built by the Athenians, and eight θησαυροί, or treasuries, similar to those at Olympia, where ten of these constructions stood upon a κρήπις, or basement, between the temple of Juno and Mount Cronium. One of the thesauri at Olympia was so large as to contain a colossal statue; at Delphi none seem to have been of such dimensions, but were intended only for the smaller and more valuable offerings, the works of statuary having been on the adjacent platforms of the hierum. The cities which had constructed the treasuries at Delphi were Sicyon, Siphnus, Thebes, Athens, Cnidus, Potidaea, Syracuse, and Corinth, to which Strabo adds the Italian cities, Spina and Agylla. The same author remarks that wealth is difficult to guard, even though sacred; and agrees with Pausanias in showing that the treasuries at Delphi were all empty, the contents having long before their time been converted into the sinews of war. Nor were sacred offerings, the value of which was derived from the skill of the artists who made them, although less tempting to the vulgar plunderer, exempt from

§ 2.576 the effects of a more refined species of cupidity. Scarcely any but imperial robbers, however, could indulge a passion for collecting statues at the expence either of Delphi or any of the other more celebrated places in Greece, which were at once the favourite abodes of superstition, and the chief repositories of art, so long as Paganism continued in vogue. Of this we have a strong argument in the catalogue which Pausanias has given us of the collection at Delphi, a century after it had been plundered of 500 brazen statues by Nero. With the decline of taste in the third century the passion of collecting gradually ceased among the Romans, which change, as the ancient worship still kept its ground in this part of Greece, had a tendency to preserve the sacred places nearly in the same condition as Pausanias had left them, until Constantine, and one or two of his successors, despoiled them of some of their choicest monuments for the purpose of adorning the new capital, as well as for that of degrading the deities of the old worship, and of holding them up to ridicule. It was not until the imperial decrees were issued against idolatry, at the end of the fourth century, that the Christians could indulge their barbarous zeal in the indiscriminate destruction of the ancient statues. The greater part having been of brass, were then probably melted for the sake of converting them to purposes of vulgar utility. The works in marble, although many of them may have

§ 2.577 been broken, are more likely to have escaped entire destruction; and it is difficult to believe that many valuable remains of sculpture as well as architecture are not still concealed beneath the surface of the ground at Delphi. The steepness of the site, and the fragility of the lofty cliffs above it, acted upon by the waters flowing from the higher summits, are constantly operating a change in the soil; fragments of stone and an alluvion of earth descending from above, have a continual tendency to accumulate matter upon the ancient platforms of the city, and to place them lower beneath the surface, of which the stadium is a proof, the upper row of seats only being now above ground. Thus the ancient remains become deeply buried, except where a torrent, taking a new course, suddenly removes a part of the accumulation, and thus occasionally brings some of them to light. It seldom happens that a heavy fall of rain does not produce the discovery of some coins, or other remains of art, particularly among the terraces to the west and to the south of Kastri. The length of the stadium of Delphi (as well as it can be determined in such a ruin) is 630 feet, or nearly the same as that of the other stadia of Greece, in all which their ruined condition causes something more than the length of the dromus to be included in the measurement. It seems, therefore, that if there was any such measure as a Pythic stade, longer than the ordinary stade, it was not derived from any excess in the length of the stadium of Delphi. This structure was composed, as Pausanias remarks, of the native rock, which is a brown

§ 2.578 limestone, containing veins of white marble; nor do I perceive a vestige of the Pentelic marble with which it was decorated by Herodes. The cavern on the slope of Mount Cirphis, which is so conspicuous from Kastri, is natural, though the entrance has been squared, and the inside a little enlarged and made regular, in order to form it into a church, of which some remains exist, or originally, perhaps, (and such is the opinion of the priest, my host, and other Kastrites,) for an ascetic retreat There is a little verdure before the door, which is said to have been the garden of the hermit. All the rest of the rock is a bare precipice, and the access to the cavern is extremely difficult. It is dedicated to St. Arsale, or Orsale, to whom the convent above Daulis is sacred, and whose coprn or festival is on Easter Monday. From Delphi Pausanias conducts his reader to the celebrated cave named Corycium, and from thence continues his route across the upper Parnassus to Tithorea. I visited the cave on my former journey at a season when Parnassus, now enveloped in snow and mist, exhibited under a brilliant atmosphere a delightful scene of arable and pasture, intermixed with forests of pine, fir, and the grandest mountain scenery. The cavern is about seven miles from Delphi, to the north-eastward, and at a nearly equal distance to the northwest of Arakhova; the access from each place is

§ 2.579 easy after having surmounted the steep ascent which leads from them both into the upper region of Parnassus, as it then crosses the great elevated valley which extends for about sixteen miles in a westerly direction from the foot of the highest summit anciently Lycoreia and now Liakura. From Delphi the road to the Corycium crosses the western ridge just under the Phaedriades Scopuli, and then immediately ascends by a zigzag path cut in the rock, very steep and rugged, and which retains traces of the ancient route. Just above Castalia the road to the Kalyvia of Arakhova and to Liakura, probably the ancient road to Lycoreia and Tithorea branches to the right. Following that to the left which leads to the Μαύρη Τρύπα, as the Corycium is now called, we entered a country of pasture interspersed with firs, and peopled with shepherds and their flocks, occasionally passing fields of wheat, barley, and oats, all yet green though it was the 27th of July, and the harvest in the plains of Boeotia had been completed a month before. To the right was a lake fed by the streams from the surrounding mountains, and partly discharged by a subterraneous channel, of which the Emissory is probably the source at the mills of Kastri.

§ 2.580 Having arrived at the foot of the mountain on the northern side of the valley, we ascended more than half way to its summit, when a small triangular entrance presented itself, conducting into the great chamber of the cavern, which is upwards of 200 feet in length, and about 40 high in the middle. Drops of water from the roof had formed large calcareous crystallizations rising at the bottom, and others were suspended from every part of the roof and sides. The inner part of this great hall is rugged and irregular, but after climbing over some rocks, we arrived at another small opening leading into a second chamber, the length of which is near 100 feet, and has a direction nearly at a right angle with that of the outer cavern. In this inner apartment there is again a narrow opening, but inaccessible without a ladder; at the foot of the ascent to it is a small natural chamber. There seems to have been ample space for the Delphi and other Phocians to deposit here their valuable property, and even their families, when they took refuge in Mount Parnassus from the Persians'. As Pausanias states that there was “a distance of 60 stades from Delphi to a brazen statue, from whence it was easier to ascend to the cavern on foot than on a horse or mule;” the statue probably stood at the foot of the mountain, the distance from thence to Delphi being nearly that which he mentions. He remarks that the Corycium is larger than many other celebrated caverns which he had seen, and enumerates; and observes, that it is easy to walk into the cave for a

§ 2.581 great distance even without a torch, and that there are springs and drippings from the roof to the bottom in every part of it. The people of Parnassus, he adds, considered the cave sacred to the Corycian nymphs and to Pan. From the cavern we proceeded to Aguriani, distant three hours, in a north-western direction, through a wide valley abounding in springs and rivulets which flow to the torrent of Lilae, and where in the intervals of forests of fir, there was a beautiful variety of corn-fields, and of pastures covered with sheep and goats: on either side rose the secondary summits of Parnassus. At Aguriani, which contained 60 or 70 families, a large stream issued from the foot of the mountain above the village, and flowed through it, turning several mills, and filling some large vats which served for soaking the coarse cloth which the villagers made from the wool of Parnassus. In an hour and a half from Aguriani we descended into the northern Phocic valley at Paleo-kastro, or the ruins of Lilaea.

§ 2.582 CHAPTER XXI. PHOCIS, LOCRIS, AETOLIA. FEB. 10.—Although the situation of Delphi is not very agreeable, nor its lands in general very fertile, its slopes favourable to the cultivation of the olive, its fields on the banks of the Pleistus, with the copious springs at the mills, and those of Castalia and Cassotis, are advantages which will always secure to the place some inhabitants, who will derive some further resources from the ancient fame of the place and its remains of antiquity, which cannot fail to attract casual visitors as long as Greek literature is held in estimation. Delphi deserves attention also as a military position which commands the western entrance of one of the most important passes in Greece.

§ 2.583 Having passed through the western ridge, and among numerous remains of the ancient cemetery on that side of the city, we descend by a very winding stony road to Krisso, a large village inhabited solely by Greeks, and the residence of the bishop of Salona; but instead of entering the village turn to the left, and continuing to descend the mountain, arrive in one hour from Delphi in the vale of the Pleistus, a little above a mill overhung by the rocks and steep side of the hill of Krisso. Below the mill the valley opens into the plain. This is about the situation in which Pausanias describee the Hippodrome of the Pythian games but no vestiges of it are to be perceived. Twenty minutes farther we cross the Pleistus and enter the Crissaean plain, which, extends to the sea—then advance through a thick wood of olives which shades the banks of the Pleistus from hence upwards, as far as the narrows formed by the western ridge of Delphi, then passing along the foot of Mount Kutzura, we arrive in another twenty minutes at Xeropigadho, a village situated just under the steep rocks of the mountain. The road by which my servants and baggage came hither from Dhesfina descends the mountain at a gorge a little above the village. Soon afterwards I proceed to the shore of the Crissaean Gulf in search of Cirrha, turn a projecting point of the mountain,

§ 2.584 which hides Xeropigadho from the sea; and in eight minutes leave in the rocks to the left a great cavern, which, according to my guide, who is an old native of Xeropigadho, is so deep within that a stone thrown into it will descend to die level of the plain, and may be heard to fall into the subterraneous bed of a river of salt water which issues at some distance below from the foot of the mountain. This stream joins the sea at a spot where the shore of the gulf forms an angle, and where stand a mill and a house named Skliri. This place was a mile to the left, midway from Xeropigadho to Magula, which is twenty minutes from that village. The name Magflla is applied to a square space, near a mile in circumference, covered with fragments of ancient buildings and wrought stones of Hellenic times. On the beach are the ruins of a tower of the middle ages, but composed chiefly of large quadrangular blocks which are cemented with mortar: near it are a well, a small church, and some remains of an ancient wharf or mole extending some distance into the water. A rising ground towards the centre of the ruins seems to be composed entirely of ancient materials slightly covered with earth; but no remains of ornamental architecture are to be seen, nor any thing in its original place. My conductor says that Krisso once stood here, that these are the ruins of it, and that he had this information from his ancestors. The spot is about half way between Skliri and the mouth of the Pleistus, and seems clearly to be the site of Cirrha, the port of Delphi, for it is the nearest point of the

§ 2.585 coast to Delphi, is not far from the mouth of the Pleistus, is near the foot of Mount Cyrphis, and generally in agreement with the ancient testimonies. Pausaniae remarked at Cirrha a temple containing colossal statues of Apollo, Diana, and Latona, of the Attic school, and a fourth of Adrasteia, of smaller size. The rising ground in the middle of the ancient site is probably formed by the substruction and ruins of this, building. The distance of Cirrha from Delphi has been variously stated by the ancients. My time distance tends to show the 60 stades of Pausanias to be very near the truth, certainly much more so than the 80 of Strabo, or the 30 of Harpocration s. Pausanias has created some doubts on the ancient geography of this part of Phocis, by his remark that Homer, both in the Iliad and in the Hymn to Apollo, applies to Cirrha its more ancient name of Crissa; thus leading to the inference that they were one and the same place, an opinion which may derive some appearance of support from the indiscriminate application by ancient authors of the names Cirrhaean and Crissaean to the surrounding plain.

§ 2.586 There can be little doubt, however, that Cirrha and Crissa were different places, and that the latter occupied the exact situation of Krisso, as this existing name would lead us to presume. Krisso, in fact, is accurately described in the Hymn to Apollo as a height well suited to vines, rising above a woody valley at the foot of the steep rocks of the snowy Parnassus, on its western side In those times Delphi was a itpov in the Crissaean territory. Crissa was precisely such a site as die founders of Greek cities often chose, being a rocky hill rising above the middle of a fertile plain, at a secure distance from the sea, and near the entrance of two diverging valleys. Cirrha, on the other hand, stood not under Parnassus, but near the foot of Mount Cirphis, on the maritime level, and at the nearest point of the coast to Crissa and Delphi, of which two places it was successively the cm'vctev or port. Strabo, who has distinguished Cirrha from Crissa, asserts that the former was destroyed by the Crissaei, and the latter at the end of the first sacred war which the Amphictyones declared against the Crissaei for having occupied the sacred land, ill-treated those who passed through their territory to Delphi, and for having laid excessive taxes on the imports from Sicily and Italy.

§ 2.587 The principal event of this war was the capture of Cirrha, said to have been effected by a stratagem of Solon, who ordered hellebore to be thrown into the aqueduct which conveyed water to the town from the Pleistus. In the last Sacred War, B.C. 340, the same ac-cusation was preferred against the Amphissenses as against the Crissaei of old, and their works for the restoration of Cirrha were destroyed by the Amphictyones. But on both occasions the destruction of Cirrha, like that of many other places in Greece to which history has ascribed a similar calamity, had evidently only a temporary effect; for Pausanias found Cirrha still existing as the port of Delphi, nor can we hesitate in believing that as such it partook in the prosperity of the sacred city during the eight centuries which succeeded the First Sacred War, when Delphi, with scarcely any intermission, enjoyed opulence and celebrity in the highest degree, and the Pythian Games were frequented by every people of Grecian origin. It was quite otherwise with Crissa, which was reduced to insignificance by Delphi at an early period. Xeropigadho is perhaps the site of Craugallium, the inhabitants of which suffered, together with the Cirrhaei, for having cultivated the sacred land in the time of Solons.

§ 2.588 Having returned to Xeropigadho, we proceed from thence, in two hours, to Salona; in three minutes cross the Pleistus, then, passing an open part of the Crissaean plain, arrive, in seven more, on the left bank of the dry river of Salona: this we follow through a plantation of olives, and cross it a little below the entrance into the valley of Salona, where the level on the banks of the river is not so much as a mile in breadth, being bounded by a cliff of the mountain of Krisso on the right, and a projection of other rocky mountains to the left. Beyond this strait the valley widens, the road turns more westward, still through olive-groves, and within two miles of Salona again traverses an open plain. The castle of Salona is an extensive ruin of Frank or lower Greek construction, built upon the remains of the walls of an ancient polis; the keep of the castle occupying the acropolis, and the outer walls following nearly those of the town. Remains of two of the Hellenic towers appear on the descent of the hill towards the north, standing upon the summit of a rocky brow which overhangs the modern houses in that part; so that the ancient city appears to have been of no great dimensions, and to have had an aspect towards the mountains. Under the rocks of the castle to the south issues a very copious spring, pouring through a great number of spouts, and forming a principal source of the river. There is another but scanty spring on the slope of the hill behind the castle. The river receives a branch from the north, but the water is consumed in irrigating the lands in the valley, and except after heavy falls of rain no water reaches the Pleistus.

§ 2.589 Salona contains 300 Turkish and four or five hundred Greek families; in the villages of. the district all are Greeks. According to a rough calculation of the Khodja-bashi, there are 100,000 ρίζαις or roots of olive; that is to say, olive trees in the district, producing each five litres of 1000 drachms on an average, which gives for the whole produce half a million of litres. It is a good year when they export three ship loads. The oil is excellent. They are now gathering the fruit, which is done in the same manner practised at Athens, by thrashing the boughs with a long stick, the effect of which is to beat off a great number of leaves and small branches. They say it cannot do any harm to the ensuing crop, because the trees produce plentifully only once in two years, without reflecting that this savage mode of gathering the fruit may be a principal cause of the failure of crop in the alternate years. Tobacco is grown in the lands of Topolia and Kolovates, villages belonging to the district of Salona, in the adjacent part of Parnassus. In one of the churches of Salona the Latin inscription is still preserved which was published by Spon and Wheler. The construction of the document is not very clear, but the following is evidently the purport of it. Decimus Secundinus, styling himself vir clarus, proconsul, curator, and defender of the Amphissenses, reminds them that he had before ordered the aqueduct to be cleaned out, and the water to be turned into the old cisterns, and desires that it may now be done immediately. He hopes that they will feel grateful to the happy times and his moderation in not having

§ 2.590 confiscated the funds intended for the supply of the public water, which he threatens if a similar interception should recur, and now directs that a lapidary inscription should be placed on the cisterns, stating from whence the water was derived, in order that no means should be left of invading the public property. Finally he desires them to remember that all things are to be finished before the tenth day of the calends of January, calls them to the performance of the work, and bids them farewell'. The corrupted Latinity of this inscription resembles that of the age of Diocletian. The form of the U and E, of which the former is constantly Y, and the latter sometimes Ε, may be attributed to the. engraver having been a Greek. The document is chiefly valuable for the word Amfissensium, leaving no doubt that the site is that of Amphissa, which is otherwise liable to question, as Pausanias places Amphissa at a distance of 120 stades from Delphi, and Aeschines only at half that number.

§ 2.591 But as the latter interval corresponds to the position of Salona, and not less so the situation of the place in the midst of mountains, which is said to have been the origin of the name Amphissa, we may conclude that the distance in Pausanias is erroneous. Strabo asserts that Amphissa was a ruin in his time, and that it had been in that state ever since it was destroyed by the Amphictyones after the second Sacred War; in this, however, as in the instance of Cirrha, he is contradicted by history, and particularly by Pausanias, who informs us, that when Augustus founded Patrae he ordered all the towns of the Locri Ozolae to be dependent upon the new Roman colony, except Amphissa, which, as well as Patrae itself and Nicopolis, then received many inhabitants from the declining Aetolian cities; so that we can hardly doubt that when Strabo wrote, which was very soon afterwards, Amphissa was the most populous place in this part of Greece: before the time of Augustus, indeed, there is reason to believe that it had been in a declining state, for when the Amphissenses had received the Aetolian colony, they detached themselves from Locris and called themselves Aetolians, whence it is probable that the inhabitants were then chiefly composed of the latter people. Pausanias describes Amphissa as being well adorned with public buildings, but he specifies only the tombs of Amphissa and of Andraemon,

§ 2.592 and a temple of Minerva in the citadel, containing an upright statue of the goddess, which although of archaic workmanship, was not in his opinion so old as the Amphissenses pretended, who asserted that it had been brought from Troy by Thoas. On the contrary, Pausanias was persuaded that it was less ancient than a statue which he had seen at Ephesus, made by Rhoecus of Samus, who with Theodorus of the same island invented the art of casting brazen figures, and who lived about the year 700 B.C. Between Salona and the pass which separates its plain from that of Crissa lie the villages Kuski, St. George, Sergula, and Simakaki, in that order on the slope of the hill which bounds the western side of the valley. This slope is crowned by a rocky brow, in which, between the two last mentioned villages, are cavities called the Portes, said to be haunted by daemons. Above the rocky brow there is a plain of considerable extent, which reaches to the great steeps of the snowy fir-clad summit commonly known by the name of'Elato; in the middle of this elevated plain stands Aghia Thymia, or Athymia, a small village distant an hour and a half from Salona, in the road to Galaxidhi, which passes near Kuski. At Athymia are considerable remains of the walls of a Hellenic town, which seems to be the Myonia of Pausanias, described by him as a small inland polis 30 stades from Amphissa, in a lofty position, having a grove and an altar sacred to the gods called Meilichii,

§ 2.593 and above the town a temple of Neptune, which had been deprived of its statue. The roads leading from Sdlona besides those of Delphi and Myoma, are, 1. Lidhoriki, 2. a pass not less important than the Parnassia Nape, as it conducts to the head of the Maliae gulf, and to Thessaly. This route ascends a small valley which branches to the north-north-east of that of Salona, and is watered by a stream which, united with other torrents from the adjacent mountains, joins the river of Salona. At the extremity of the valley the road mounts the side of Parnassus by a steep zig-zag well-paved road, enters a ravine which separates Parnassus from the Locro-Aetotian range, and descends by a similar ravine to Gravia, the ancient Cytinium. The nearest point of the Gulf to Salona is a harbour named Larnaki, beyond which is a cape called Triporu, separating Larnaki from the bay of Galaxidhi. In a line between Triporu and the opposite cape near Skliri are two small islands, and close to Galaxidhi is the much larger one of St. George. Larnaki is the skala of Salona, where ite oil is embarked, but the port is frequented only by small vessels, Galaxidhi being the best harbour in this bay, and at present the most frequented in the whole Corinthiac gulf. The town is situated on a peninsula, possesses forty ships, and as many coasting boats, and for several years was rapidly increasing in houses and population, until it was checked by the oppression of Aly Pasha, which

§ 2.594 has driven many of its most industrious inhabitants to Vostitza and Patra. Some remains of Hellenic walls at Galaxidhi show that it occupies the site of an ancient city, probably Oeantheia, which from several authors appears to have been the chief town on this part of the coast of Locris; and from Pausanias to have been the only maritime city in Locris remaining in his time, except Naupactus, both these places having probably owed that advantage to the same conveniences of situation and harbour to which the present superiority of'Epakto and Galaxidhi may be attributed. According to Polybius, Oeantheia was opposite to Aegeira, in Achaia, which is perfectly suitable to Galaxidhi, with reference to the site of Aegeira at Vlogoka. Of Oeantheia, Pausanias relates only that it stood on the sea-coast of Locris, and that above the town there was a grove of pine and cypress, containing a temple of Diana, the walls of which were adorned with paintings, almost obliterated by the effects of time. If Oeantheia was at Galaxidhi, Larnaki, where some Hellenic remains are reported to exist, is probably the site of Chalaeum, noticed as a town of Locris by Hecataeus and Thucydides; placed by Ptolemy on the coast between Oeantheia of Locris, and Crissa of Phocis, and by Pliny at only seven miles from Delphi, which, although considerably too little for the distance of Larnaki from Kastri, favours at least the supposition that it was in some part of the Crissaean bay, not far from Delphi. Pliny had perhaps confounded Chalaeum with Cirrha, which was about 7 miles from Delphi.

§ 2.595 Feb. 11.—This afternoon I make another attempt to ascertain the site of the Hippodrome of the Pythian Games, which, according to Pausanias, was at the foot of the mountain going from Delphi to Cirrha, and I find in a small retired level, called Komara, immediately below Krisso, and inclosed between two projections of its hill, on one of which stands a small church, some ancient squared blocks in the fields, and near them on the foot of the rocks a ruin of small stones and mortar. This κόλπος or bay of the plain which is separated only by the south-eastern of the two projections from the vale of the Pleistus, and just at its entrance, leading to Delphi, seems to have been admirably adapted to the Hippodrome, as the sides of the hills would accommodate an immense number of spectators; the site is very low and now marshy, but as the Pythian Games were celebrated in the summer, this characteristic of the place was no objection. It is probable that the hippodromes of Greece, like our race-courses, were seldom much indebted to art, and that for this reason little or no remains of them are to be found.

§ 2.596 Feb. 12.—From Salona to Lidhoriki: we set out at 8.15, and immediately ascend the steep mountain at the back of the town, by a winding craggy road. At 9.60 enter the region of fire and snow, and at 10.25 reach the crest of the ridge, where the road passes through a hollow between two of the highest peaks. The view from hence comprehends all the summits of Aetolia; the chain of Locris and Doris, of which this ridge forms one of the links; Parnassus, divided from it by the pass of Cytinium, and to the right of Parnassus, Helicon, and the Oneia of Megaris. Below us is seen the plain of Amphissa, and a part of the Crissaean Gulf. The pass leads into a narrow vale between fir-clad summits, along which, after a delay of a quarter of an hour, our road proceeds, and then descends by a rocky path to the small village of Karutes, where we arrive at noon precisely. We here come in sight of a deep valley, watered by a river which has its rise in the summit of Mavrolithari, and joins the sea not far eastward of'Epakto, where it has the name of Mormos or Mom os. Beyond the vale are seen other high mountains, having a direction nearly parallel to these, and comprehending the district of Kravari. Karutes, lying on a frequented derveni, which takes its name from this place, suffers greatly from Albanian soldiers: the name of Aty Pasha begins again to be mentioned with dread and hatred, and in consequence of his oppressive system, numerous families are continually leaving these parts for the Morea.

§ 2.597 In the church is a fragment of an inscription, in which the following letters only are distinguishable: ΦΟΙΔΕΛΦΟΝΕΠΟΙΗΟΑΝ... ΚΑΙ... From Karutes there are two roads to Lidhoriki: one descends a rema below the village, and makes the circuit of the head of a valley in which a torrent flows to Lidhoriki, and from thence to the Morno; the other passes over a ridge of the mountains, and descends directly upon that town, which is closely surrounded by lofty hills covered with trees. We take the latter route, leaving Karfites at 12.55, arriving at the top of the ridge at 1.30, and at lidhoriki at 2.45. The descent is by a steep path through firs, and afterwards over cultivated slopes equally steep. At Lidhoriki I am lodged in the house of the Voivoda Ferat Aga, who is son of the Divan Effendi of Aly Pasha, and has thirty or forty dirty ill-clothed Albanians in his service, who as usual are rather troublesome by their inquisitive curiosity, though not uncivil. The Aga’s house is in the true Albanian fashion, dirty and comfortless; but he hospitably resigns to me his only tolerable apartment, where he joins me at the supper which he provides. He states that there are not more than a hundred and twenty houses in the town, all Turkish except about fifteen or twenty; and that there are upwards of forty villages in the district, all Greek.

§ 2.598 One hour from hence, towards Malandrina, he describes some ruins of a Hellenic castle, at the village of Paradhisia and another at a place called Polyportu, on the sea shore, half an hour below Petrinitza or Vetronitza, which is four hours distant from Lidhoriki. In Trazonia, an island off the coast, are some remains of the same kind as those found in the islands at the mouth of the Gulf of Aspra Spitia, probably Christian and Monastic. Half an hour beyond Paradhisia are seen some remains of foundations, and there are others at a khan and church on the outside of the town of Malandrina. Both these seem, by the description of Ferat Agh, to be Hellenic. The river which near'Epakto bears the name of Mornd, is here more commonly called Mega, or the Great; it rises on the'southern face of the highest summit of Oeta, flows along the eastern side of Mount Vardhtisi in a deep valley included between that summit and those called Sykia and Kiona, which form the chain extending northward from Salona and Lidhoriki, and are separated from Parnassus by the pass of Cytinium. After receiving two other streams near Lidhoriki, the Mega passes through a narrow strait, and from thence traverses a region which, though entirely mountainous, is by no means un-cultivated; after which it again passes through a narrow opening in the mountains, much longer than the former, and bordered by very lofty precipices, and then, after crossing a narrow maritime plain, joins the sea at the distance of one hour to the eastward of'Epakto.

§ 2.599 On the western side of Mount Vardhusi originates the Fidhari or Evenus, the course of which is at first westerly, dividing the district of Karpenisi from that of Kravari: afterwards south-west, dividing Apokuro from Kravari, and at length issuing from the mountains into the paralian plain of Bokhori at Kurtaga, the site of Calydon, where it divides Karlili from Venetiko. From Kravari the Evenus receives many streams, but its most distant source, like that of the Morno, is in the highest summits of Mount Oeta. Feb. 13.—Proceeding from Lidhoriki this morning at eight, we follow a torrent which flows through the town, and which, increased by another collected in the ravines to the south of Lidhoriki, unites with the Mega half an hour below the town. This river then passes through the Steno, or strait already mentioned, which is a short rocky gorge formed by the projections of the two mountains, where the river is crossed by a bridge of a single arch, founded at either end on the rocks. Having sent my baggage horses by the direct route across the bridge to the right bank of the Mega, I turn off to the right of the road to examine a Paleokastro standing on the point which forms the right bank of the Steno.. At 8.45, ford the Mega; which according to my Lidhorikiote guide, has its sources partly in Mount Dremtja, probably Tρέμιτζα, which adjoins Mount Katavothra, but is supplied also from the summits near Mavrolithari. At the foot of the hill of the Paleo-kastro, we cross the river Velukhi by a bridge. This stream, which joins the Mega just below the place where we crossed it, issues from the mountain at less than

§ 2.600 a mile above the Paleokastro, and is so copious in times of rain, that together with the Mega it overflows the whole valley. The Velukhi, from this circumstance, seems to be the emissory of a katavothra. The ancient city, which was of considerable extent, occupied all the north-eastern face of the hill looking towards the valley of the Mega. Its walls, which are of the third order, are traceable in the whole circumference, and remain, to a considerable height, in the lower part of the site: on the summit of the hill are the ruins of a modern castle. The position is the extreme point of the range of Vardhusi, between which and another parallel but lower mountain, called Vlakho-vuni, flows the Kokkino, or Red river, a stream nearly as large as the Mega, and which joins it immediately below the Steno. Thus the city was defended by two large streams on the east, a third on the west, and a fourth flowing through a rocky opening on the south. [Map of Vardhusi etc.]

§ 2.601 On the bank of the Velukhi are a khan and some mills; the place is called Velukhovo, and the ruins Xuria. The sons of Aly Pasha sometimes come here in summer to make keif, that is, to feast and be merry, when it is happy for the villages around if they are not called upon to contribute something more than mere provisions. From the Paleo-kastro I proceed to rejoin my baggage at the end of the Steno, and then crossing the Kokkino at 9.50, descend a narrow valley grown with kalambokki, and at 10.25 enter a ravine between woody hills, where the Morno, increased to a large river by the junction of the Kokkino, flows along the bottom with great rapidity. Having forded it at 11.20, we continue our route on the left bank, through a forest of oak, ilex, and prinari, in which we cross many streams rushing from the mountains on the left to join the main river. At 12, a lofty peaked mountain, which gives rise to one of these tributaries, is three miles on the left; on the other side of it is the town of Malandrina. The road now recedes from the river, mounts the hills, which are steep, uncultivated, and covered with small meagre oaks, and becomes

§ 2.602 so extremely bad that the wretched menzil horses of Lidhoriki are unable to keep up with the walk of the Albanian escort, which the Voivoda insisted upon my taking, though he would not allow that any robbers dared to make their appearance in his district. At 1.50, after a very tedious ascent, we arrive at the khan of Paleuxari, so called from a village of that name situated not far below it, and of which the cultivated grounds descend in the form of terraces to the bank of the Morno. A similar slope rises from the opposite bank of the river, to a lofty ridge in the district of Kravari, which unites Vlakho-vuni with the summits terminating in the maritime peaks opposite to Patra. The general direction of our route from Lidhoriki is towards the great opening before alluded to, through which the Morno passes to the sea-coast, and which separates the termination of the mountains we are following, from the south-eastern end of another mountain called Makryvoro. The summit of Mount Kaki-skala, opposite Patra, appears through the opening. The only village in sight is Vetolista, not far from the left bank of a large branch of the Morno, which descending from Mount Makryvoro in a direction at first eastward, and then southward, forms in the latter part of its course the boundary of Kravari and Lidhoriki. Below the junction of this stream with the Morno, the Morno itself is the boundary of the two districts, as far as the gorge at the end of Makryvoro.

§ 2.603 Above Vetolista, the boundary is about midway between the summits of Mounts Vlakhovuni and Durdjova, which last is midway between the former and Makryvoro. Quitting the khan at 2.40, we continue to pass through oak forests and rugged muddy paths until 3.30, when we arrive at a ridge from whence the road begins to descend towards the sea-coast, and from whence there is an interesting view of the entrance of the Gulf of Corinth, with its two castles, and the coast of the Morea as far as Cape Araxus and the sea near Khlemutzi. On the descent, at an hour and a half short of the maritime plain, the day is so advanced that it becomes necessary to consider where we shall halt for the night,'Epakto being too distant, and there being no intermediate place on the road, except a ξηροχάνι, or dry khan, that is to say, where no persons are in attendance, and, what is more important, where no provisions can be obtained for the cattle. After a debate of twenty minutes, it is resolved to go to the monastery of Varnakova, which is situated on the summit of a steep ridge, among the oak forests to the right. A Turk, who owns most of the horses, consents, with great reluctance, to this movement, as increasing our distance. He is overruled, however, by the Albanian soldiers, and after mounting through the forest, and over some steep hills, among which we pass by a zevgalati, or farm of the Monastery, we arrive at the latter at 6.15: my baggage half an hour after.

§ 2.604 Admittance is refused on the plea of orders given by the Voivoda himself not to open the doors after sunset. Another conference, therefore, arises on this question, which the fears of the monks, the national love of argument, and the inconvenience of parleying through the door, render very long, but above all, the difficulty of making them understand the nature of such anomalous characters as myself and attendants, no such having ever before been seen in these mountains. At length some of my escort being well known to the Albanian garrison within, the doors are opened, after a delay of an hour and a half, and not before I had spread my mattress on the ground, prepared to pass the night on the outside. Between monks and Albanian soldiers the house is well filled: to the latter it affords good quarters, and a convenient post for their operations against the thieves, who are thus completely deprived of the assistance of the monks, formerly one of their best resources. The monastic establishment amounts to thirty, of whom more than half are cosmics. In their savage and dirty appearance they rival their Albanian garrison, though it would seem that the finances of the monastery are not in a bad state, as they are now engaged in building a new church. Feb. 14.—Varnakova stands in the midst of a forest of small oaks, in a very lofty situation. Its cultivated fields, mixed with pasture and woodland, occupy the declivities of the mountain as far as the river Morno, beyond which there is a large metokhi similarly surrounded. These, with threshing floors and magazines dispersed among the fields, form an agreeable scene, and show that the monks

§ 2.605 have hitherto been enabled to cultivate their lands, notwithstanding the robbers who infest these mountains. But Aty Pasha and his agents are much greater enemies to such property than the kleftes. The monks assert, that Ferat Aga has lately robbed them of three tjiftliks and nine purses of money. They point out the situation of a Hellenic ruin a little below the junction of the stream which descends from Mount Makryvoro and passes near Vetolista. Between this point and Paleuxari is Lykokhori, belonging to Ferat Aga. Having returned to the Zevgalati, we proceed from thence into the high road at a spot half an hour in advance of the place where we left it yesterday evening. Here, at 8.45, on the summit of the ridge to the right, and just opposite to the Zevgalati, are the remains of a Hellenic fortress. Towards the sea the hill presents a steep rocky precipice, but in the opposite direction, or that of the Zevgalati, falls gently to a small torrent. The slope is entirely covered with the fragments of buildings, among which are some wrought stones, and the summit of the height retains considerable vestiges of an acropolis. The masonry is of that ruder sort which is often found in the mountainous regions and small towns of Greece, the stones being smaller, narrower, and less carefully wrought than was customary in the better kinds of Hellenic masonry. In descending from this ridge towards the sea coast, Mount Trikorfu is a conspicuous object on the left: our path, which is steep and rugged, passes through a woody uncultivated tract.

§ 2.606 At 9.25 we again arrive at a place where are many squared stones, and a little farther some other similar indications of an ancient site, but as the form of the ground does not resemble that of a polis, I am inclined to think that there was nothing here but a fortress, dependent, perhaps, upon the larger place which occupied the commanding position on the summit of the pass. At 10.15 we reach the foot of the mountain, at a place called Magula, where is some cultivated land around a khan which has been lately built by the Voivoda of Lidhoriki, and is hence named the Khan of Ferat Aga. It stands on the edge of a narrow plain two miles long, bounded by the mountains we have descended, towards the north; and on the opposite side by a range of lower heights, beyond which is a maritime plain, forming part of the territory of'Epakto. On the highest of the latter hills, and on the last towards the river Morno, stands a Hellenic castle. At 11.20 we pursue our route down the plain: at 11.38 cross a stream, the source of which, named Ambla, is at the foot of the mountain hard by, and is said never to fail in summer. After being joined by a torrent, which is dry in that season, though now containing water, the united stream flows out of the plain through a gorge to our right, and then crosses the maritime plain to the Morno. At 11.48 we arrive at the foot of the height, upon which the Paleokastro stands: its walls were of the third species of masonry, and it occupied only the round summit of the hill.

§ 2.607 At 12.15 we enter the plain here called Pilala, and which, under different names, extends from'Epakto nearly as far as the foot of Mount Trikorfu: at 12.28 recross the Ambla, just before its junction with the Morno, and at 12.32 begin to ford that river just at its issue from the great ravine already described as being at the eastern end of Mount Makryvoro. The opening is about two miles in length, and affords no passage, but along the bed of the river; and as this consists of a wide extent of gravel separated by many streams, which in seasons of rain unite into one, the river when in that state can neither be crossed nor the ravine passed longitudinally; at present there is no difficulty in passing in either direction. Below the opening the river spreads to a great breadth, and in crossing the plain bends towards'Epakto, joining the sea at about two miles from that town. At a mile from its mouth, on the left bank, stands the village of Malamata. We are ten minutes in fording the several streams and intermediate strips of gravel, after which we pass along the foot of Mount Rigani, a lofty summit forming a part of the mass of Makryvoro, and rising immediately above'Epakto. As the name Rigani is of Hellenic derivation, and derived from the plant origanum, this perhaps was the ancient appellation of the mountain, though it nowhere occurs in history. A little eastward of'Epakto a plentiful source of water issues from the mountain, turns mills, waters gardens, and then joins the sea. We enter the gate of the fortress at 1.50. Our horses are so nearly at the extent of their powers, that our pace has been slower than it was yesterday.

§ 2.608 Naupactus, though chiefly deriving its importnce in the meridian ages of Hellenic history from its harbour at the entrance of the Corinthiac Gulf, was indebted probably for its earliest foundation to its strong hill, fertile plains, and copious supply of running water. The plain on the western side of the town, which extends to Mount Kakiskala, is about a mile in width in the part near the town. It is covered with olives and corn-fields, together with some vineyards. Pilala to the eastward is bare, but produces maize, cotton, and a few vines, which, as usual among the continental Greeks, are in low marshy situations, though experience constantly shows that good wine is grown only on the hills. But such situations require more labour than the plains; the latter yield larger fruit and more plentiful crops, and there is no sufficient demand in Greece for the wine of higher price, which would be the produce of the heights. The fortress and town occupy the south-eastern and southern sides of a hill which is one of the roots of Mount Rigani, and reaches down to the sea, separating the plain of Pilala from that towards the castle of Rumili and Mount Kakiskala. The place is fortified in the manner which was common among the ancients in positions similar to that of'Epakto, that is to say, it occupies a triangular slope with a citadel at the apex, and one or more cross walls on the slope, dividing it into subordinate inclosures. At'Epakto there are no less than five inclosures between the summit and the sea, with gates of communication from the one to the other, and a side gate on the west leading

§ 2.609 oat of the fortress from the second inclosure on the descent. It is not improbable that the modern walls follow exactly the ancient plan of the fortress, for in many parts they stand upon Hellenic foundations, and even retain large pieces of the ancient masonry amidst the modern work. The present town occupies only the lowest inclosure; in the middle of which is the small harbour which made so great a figure in ancient history: it is now choked with rubbish, and is incapable of receiving even the larger sort of boats which navigate the gulf.'Epakto contains within its walls' about 400 Turkish families, and 30 of Jews. The Turks live in ruinous houses in misery and poverty, too proud to work, and by their insolence and oppression preventing the Greeks from settling here. The latter, as usual in the fortified towns of Turkey, are not permitted to reside within the walls; their houses form a suburb on either side, in each of which are about 100 houses, but not more than half of them are how inhabited. The Greeks are employed only in cultivating the gardens and the orange and lemon plantations, which would flourish here by means of the plentiful supply of water, if the lawless, hungry attendants of the Pasha did not destroy and consume every thing before it comes to maturity. Such is the misery of the place that W., the same medical practitioner whom I left last year at Marathonisi, and who has transferred his services from the Maniates to the Pasha of'Epakto, complains that neither herbs, nor oil, nor wine, are to be bought here, or nearer than Patra; and that he pays 24 paras an oke for the flesh of an old goat, while 20 is the price of the best mutton in the latter town.

§ 2.610 Feb. 16.—I visit Musa Pasha, and his Kiaya, who is also Hasnadar; the Kiaya first, according to custom. Musa was governor of Saloniki, and was sent here as a kind of exile. He is chiefly supported by contributions from die neighbouring districts, and even from Vostitza, and some other places in the Morea. The Pashalik formerly included all the country as far as the Sanjaks of Arta and'Egripo, and thus comprehended the greater.part of Acarnania, Aetolia, and Locris. But Aly Pasha has reduced it to little beyond the walls of this town. Musa is of a Larissaean family, and has 150 purses a year in land in the Mollalik.'Epakto brings him in as much more; but the demands of the Porte, and the presents which he is obliged to make there, render him so poor, that, according to the expression of my informant, his pilav is made with oil for want of butter. His servants, not without the connivance of their master, lately stole some fire-wood which had been prepared at Psatho-pyrgo by Mr. S., our consul at Patra, to be embarked for Malta; the quantity taken has sufficed for the whole winter consumption of the Pasha’s hamam and kitchen. He is now endeavouring to accumulate a sufficiency of purses to purchase the Pashalik of the Morea for the next year.

§ 2.611 His money must be ready for the approaching Bairam, when the list of governors in office is presented to the Sultan, who declares the changes at the Kurban Bairam seventy days after the former. The Porte has lately demanded from Musa between forty and fifty thousand piastres’ worth of corn to be sent to Constantinople, allowing, according to custom, a price to the growers, for which they can hardly raise it. The Pasha, as usual with Turks in adversity, is very humble and civil. Like the generality of those in high station, both he and his Kiaya have some pretensions to science, the Kiaya talks geography and politics, the Pasha medicine. The richest Turkish proprietor in'Epakto is Adem Bey, whose father was Pasha; he has upwards of 150 purses a year, and has the character of a φιλόξενος, spending his income in hospitality. He has lately built a house here which, although little better than a Frank barn in workmanship and materials, is considered as something extraordinary; but building is very costly in Greece, as well on account of the high price of mechanical labour, as because plank, glass, nails, every thing but the stone and mortar, comes from Trieste and Fiume. A tolerable house cannot be built under 10,000 piastres, which, although not more than £600 sterling, is a large sum for this poor country.

§ 2.612 Feb. 16.—Embark at'Epakto for the Morea Castle. The route which I have just followed from Salona to'Epakto was chiefly undertaken with a view to illustrate a part of the history of Thucydides, which contains, with the exception of a passage in Livy, and a few words by the geographical writers, almost all that the ancients have left us, descriptive of the interior of Locris and Aetolia. In the summer of the sixth year of the Peloponnesian war, Demosthenes, commander of the Athenian fleet, being then at Leucas, resolved upon an invasion of Aetolia; and in the autumn of the same year, a body of Lacedaemonian allies, under the Spartan Eurylochus, marched from Delphi through Locris to Naupactus, from whence they proceeded to Calydon The ultimate object of the expedition of Demosthenes was the same as that which he again attempted without success in the eighth year of the war, when it led to the battle of Delium, being no less than to subjugate, or at least to gain over to the Athenian cause, the whole of Boeotia. The Messenians of Naupactus recommended him to begin by invading the Apodoti, then to reduce the Ophionenses, and lastly the Eurytanes. He expected to derive great assistance from the Locri, in consequence of their knowledge of the country, and because they resembled the Aetolians in their armour and mode of fighting. They were to join him when he had made some progress in the interior of Aetolia, after which it was his intention to pass through Locris to Cytinium in Doris, and then to enter Phocis, where he thought that the cities, if not inclined to assist him, might be easily forced to do so.

§ 2.613 Having effected these objects he would be enabled to attempt Boeotia in concert with the Athenians acting on the Attic frontier of Boeotia. The scheme failed, because the Aetolians, like the Boeotians in the eighth year of the war, had obtained information of his design, but his first disappointment occurred before he had quitted the coast of Acarnania, the people of which province, offended with him for having favoured the Messenians of Naupactus by the expedition into Aetolia instead of attending to their own wishes of besieging Leucas when he was lying before it with his fleet, refused to join him with their forces. He nevertheless proceeded to Naupactus, and with an army composed only of Messenians of Naupactus, of 300 Athenian epibatse from his own ships, and a body of Cephallenes and Zacynthii, began his march into Aetolia from Oeneon of Locris. Setting out at the dawn of day from the temple of Jupiter Nemeius, where his troops had passed the night, he marched to Potidania, which he captured the same day: on the second he took Crocylium, on the third Tichium. Not having yet been joined by the Locri Ozolae, of whose light-armed and javelin-men he was greatly in need,

§ 2.614 he halted at Tichium, and sent his booty to Eupalium, in Locris, intending to retire upon Naupactus, and from thence to take a new departure against the Ophionenses, if they should not previously have submitted l. Having been persuaded, however, by the Messenians to continue his proceedings against the Aetolian towns without waiting for the Locri, he captured Aegitium, a town in a mountainous situation, 80 stades from the sea. But the inhabitants, who had retired and posted themselves on the neighbouring hills, having been joined by a large force of Aetolians, and even by the Ophionenses of Bomi and Callium, who dwelt towards the Maliac gulf, they attacked the Athenians incessantly on every side. When by their superiority in missiles they had exhausted the arrows of the bowmen of Demosthenes, they harassed his hoplitae, who being unable to close with them, were forced at length to retreat in disorder. Their Messenian guide having been killed, some fell into narrow ravines, where they were overtaken by the Aetolians and slain; others took refuge in a wood which the enemy set fire to the survivors, with great difficulty, reached Oeneon and the sea. Of the Athenian hoplitae, 120 were slain, with Procles one of the commanders.

§ 2.615 Demosthenes received his dead under truce, retired to Naupactus, and remained there while the ships returned to Athens. Before this event the Aetolians had sent an embassy to Sparta, to desire the assistance of the Lacedemonians against Naupactus, and a force was in consequence collected towards the autumn at Delphi, under Eurylochus and two other Spartans, consisting of 3000 hoplitse of the allies of Sparta, among'whom were 500 of Heracleia Trachinia, which city had been lately founded or rather reestablished by a Lacedemonian colony. The Locri Ozole, although they had been so recently united with the Athenians, not only consented to the march of Eurylochus through Locris, but even delivered hostages to him, the people of Amphissa being the first to set the example, fearful of a joint attack in case of refusal, from the Lacedaemonians and from the Phocenses, who were their enemies. Their example was followed by the neighbouring town of Myonia which commanded the entrance into Locris, then by Ipnus, Messapia, Triteia, Chalaeum, Tolophon, Hessus or Essus, Oianthe, Olpae, and Hyle. All these places sent their forces to Eurylochus as he advanced, except the two last; Hyle even refused to give securities until Polis, one of its dependencies, had been taken.

§ 2.616 The hostages having been sent to Cytinium in Doris, Eurylochus marched through Locris, took Oeneon and Eupalium, two towns of the Locri which had not before submitted, and entered the Naupactia, where he was joined by the Aetolians. He then made himself master of Molycrium, and of an unwalled suburb of Naupactus, and would have taken the city itself had not Demosthenes opportunely prevailed upon the Acarnanes to send thither 1000 hoplitae by sea. Having failed in his principal design, Eurylochus marched forward to Calydon, Pleuron, and Proschium, from whence he dismissed the Aetolians, and where he remained with his other forces at the persuasion of the Ambraciotae, for the purpose of assisting them against Amphilochia. There is reason to believe that the territory of Oeneon bordered immediately upon that of Naupactus. Thucydides remarks that the Nemeium of Oeneon, from whence Demosthenes commenced his march, was the place where the poet Hesiod was said to have been killed; and Pausanias, in speaking of the sepulchre of Hesiod, at Orchomenus in Boeotia, asserts that his bones had been brought thither from the Naupactia'. It might be presumed indeed, that Oeneon was distant from the eastern frontier, from its having refused to join the other cities of Locris, and resisted Eurylochus until he marched against it. The river Morno therefore probably separated the territory of Oeneon from the Naupactia; Oeneon stood perhaps

§ 2.617 at Magula, or near the fountain Ambla, and the paleo kastro may have been the fortified enclosure of the Nemetum. The ancient city on the summit of the ridge, near the zevgalati of Varnakova, was probably Aegitium, for those remains are at the distance from the sea, mentioned by the historian, and they are on the side of the Morno, which his narrative seems also to require, since had Aegitium been to the westward of the difficult straits, through which that river emerges into the maritime plain, it would have been much easier for the routed Athenians to have retreated upon Naupactus than upon Oeneon. It could not well have been Potidania, for that town was near Eupalium, as appears from Livy, in the narrative which he gives on the authority of Polybius, of a descent made upon this coast by Philip, son of Demetrius, in the year B.C. 207 And that Eupalium was near the sea, and the chief town of Locris, intermediate between Oeantheia and Naupactus, seems evident from the two historians compared with Strabo. On the other

§ 2.618 hand, that it was towards the western extremity of Locris, seems evident from its having resisted Eurylochus together with Oeneon, from its having been chosen by Demosthenes as the place of deposit for his plunder, from its having been in the hands of the Aetolians when their power was greatest, and when they naturally became masters of this narrow western extremity of Locris, which comprehended only the territory of a few maritime towns; as well as from Strabo, who describes Aetolia Epictetus as bordering upon Locris near Naupactus and Eupalium. Eupalium, therefore, Ι conceive, stood in the plain of Marathia, opposite to the islands Trisonia or Trazonia, where some ruins of an ancient city still exist on the eastern side of the plain, at no great distance from the sea. Erythrae was probably its harbour. Potidania seems to have bordered on Eupalium, towards the interior. Crocylium and Tichium were fortresses still farther in the same direction, probably in the valley of the Morno, where the ruins near Lykokhori may correspond to one of them. That valley having a direction nearly parallel to the sea-coast, was speedily attained from Potidania, and was conveniently situated for that retreat upon Naupactus, which Demosthenes had intended before his attack of Aegitium.

§ 2.619 The ruins at Velukhovo seem to be those of the frontier town of the Locri, towards Aetolia and Doris, which latter district separated the Western Locri, or Ozolae, from the Eastern or Epicnemidii. The following reasons favour the opinion, that it was Hyle. 1. Hyle is a name very appropriate to such a wild country as that around Velukhovo, and which was probably in early times still more of a forest than it is at present. 2. The resistance of Hyle to Eurylochus, until he had taken its dependent fortress Polis, and his having found it expedient to obtain hostages from Hyle, before he commenced his march through Locris, are strong indications of the importance of Hyle, as well as that it was near Amphissa and the Phocian frontier. 3. The Morno being the only stream worthy of notice on the coast between the Evenus and the Crissaean Gulf, can alone correspond to the Hylaethus, or Hylatus, noticed by Dicaearchus as a river in this part of the country, and which probably derived its name from Hyle. Dicaearchus is undoubtedly adverse to this supposition, inasmuch as he places a great harbour and the city Tolophon between Naupactus and the Hylaethus,

§ 2.620 which, if this river be identified with the Morno, is incredible in so short a distance: on the other hand, his remark that the Hylaethus was said to flow from Aetolia, implies a large river having distant sources, and thus accords with the Morno, which, with the exception of its most eastern branch, originating in Doris, has its sources entirely in Aetolia, whereas no stream to the eastward of the Morno can have any part of its course in Aetolia. If we suppose Hyle to have stood at Velukhovo, where the chief branches of the river collect into one great stream, nothing is more likely than that the river should have taken its name from the town which stood at that remarkable confluence. Polis may, perhaps, have occupied the site of Karutes, which commanded the pass leading from Amphissa to the supposed site of Hyle, and where I found a fragment of a Greek inscription. If the ruins on the eastern side of the plain opposite to the islands Trazonia are those of Eupalium, Tolophon having been the other most important town on or near the Locrian coast, probably occupied the valley of Kiseli, that being the district of greatest capability next to the plain around the supposed Eupalium. There are two other places on this part of the Locrian coast, where I have undoubted information of the existence of Hellenic remains. One of these is at Vithari, at a short distance from the sea on the western side of Cape Andhromakhi, the other named Polyportu is on the shore below Vetronitza, on the eastern side of Cape Psaromyti. Of the latter it is difficult to offer any conjecture, and possibly it may only have been the

§ 2.621 port or maritime fortress of Tolophon, the place being only an hour distant from Kiseli. As to the remains at Vithari there is some reason to believe that they mark the site of Phaestus, for the port of Apollo Phaestius, so called apparently from a temple of Apollo which stood there, seems from Pliny to have been near Oeantheia, and as Phaestus although included by the same writer among the towns of the interior,is not one of the Locrian cities enumerated by Thucydides, we may infer that it was no more than a subordinate place of the district of Oeantheia. This accords with the ruins at Vithari, which are those of a fortress of no great extent. The port of Apollo was probably very near Cape Andhromakhi. Triteia being described by Stephanus as between Phocis and the Locri Ozolae, would seem to have been not far from Delphi and Amphissa, on the edge, perhaps, of the plain of Salona. There still remain among the Locrian cities named by Thucydides, some of which the positions are unaccounted for, namely, Messapia, Hessus and Olpae, to which may be added from Pliny, Argyna and Calamissus. Olpae, being a name generally attached to a pass, or commanding elevation, may have been at Pendornia, which commands the pass leading

§ 2.622 from Athymia or Myonia to Vithari, over the mountains which terminate in Cape Andhromakhi, and where I am informed that some Hellenic remains are observable. Paradhisia and Malandrina are probably the sites of two of the other ancient towns just named. Ι have before alluded to an Anticyra of Locris, which was not far to the eastward of Naupactus, and situated so near the shore, that Laevinus battered the walls from his ships. It is not improbable that Klima, where some Hellenic vestiges exist, was the site of that town, and that the lake which now separates Klima from the sea, may, as in many similar places on the coast of Greece, have been an harbour or navigable bay. The part of Aetolia which Demosthenes invaded was the Eastern portion of the province denominated Epictetus or the acquired; ancient Aetolia, according to Strabo, having comprehended only the maritime country from the Achelous to the Evenus, together with the fertile interior plain containing Stratus and Trichonium. The three principal tribes of Aetolia Epictetus, were the Apodoti, the Ophienses, or Ophionenses, and the Eurytanes.

§ 2.623 It is evident from Thucydides, that the Apodoti bordered upon Locris, and the Ophienses on the Oetaei, Aenianes, and Dryopes; the Eurytanes therefore were situated to the northward of the great Aetolian plain, having been surrounded on the other sides by the Aperantes, Agraei, Athamanes, Dolopes, Dryopes, and Ophienses. The Eurytanes thus possessed the great central summit anciently called Panaetolicum and now Viena, with the greater part of Vlokho, and all the country watered by the tributaries of the Achelous which descend from the range of Panaetolicum, from Tymphrestus, which was itself in Dryopia, and from the mountains of'Agrafa. The extent of country thus occupied by them, and its position in the centre of the continent, accord perfectly with Thucydides, from whom it appears that they were the most numerous, least known, and most uncivilized of the Aetolian tribes. Many remains still exist of the towns of Aetolia Epictetus, but very few of their names are to be found in history. In the country of the Apodoti were those mentioned by Thucydides. In that of the Ophiensae, Bomi and Callium are the only two known from history. Agrinium, Thestia, and Thermus seem to have belonged to Eurytania, and Strabo informs us that Oechalia was a city in the same division of Aetolia. It is very possible that a careful examination of the country might ascertain the exact site of all these places. Bomi was

§ 2.624 situated near the sources of the Evenus, and Callium, not far to the south-westward of Hypata of the Aenianes, now Neopatra, as seems evident from a comparison of Thucydides with the narrative given by Pausanias of the expedition of the Gauls against Callium, when they were encamped before Thermopylae, and whence there remains little doubt that Callium was the same place as the Callipolis of Livy. That historian relates that in the year b.c. 191, when Manius Acilius Glabrio had defeated Antiochus at Thermopylae and taken Heracleia, he offered sacrifices to Hercules on that summit of Oeta which was called Pyra from being the spot where Hercules was said to have destroyed himself on a burning pile of wood; and that from Pyra the consul moved forward to Corax, a very high mountain lying between Callipolis and Naupactus, which he crossed with great difficulty and loss of beasts of burthen. His route was probably by the vale of the Vistritza into that of the Kokkino, over the ridges which connect Velukhi with Vardhusi, but very near the latter mountain, which is thus identified with Corax. From the vale of the Kokkino, the consul followed doubtless that of the Morno towards Naupactus.

§ 2.625 The Romans found the passage of Mount Corax so difficult even with the advantage of an advanced body to clear the way, that Acilius did not venture to repeat the experiment, when, in the following year, the Aetolians, who had offered no opposition on the former occasion, occupied the mountain in the expectation that the Romans would return to the siege of Naupactus by the same route; instead of which Acilius, after having taken Lamia, crossed Mount Oeta from Heracleia and marched to Amphissa, evidently by the modern post road from Zituni to Salona, through the pass of Cytinium. Ι shall here take the opportunity of remarking, that Fidharo, or Fidhari, the modern name of the Evenus, being derived from φίδι, the Romaic form of οφις, is evidently a vestige of Όφιύς, the ancient people in whose territory the river originated. It would be in vain to attempt a more accurate chorography of Aetolia, so little having been known of this country or its people by the ancient authors, whose works have reached us. Nothing can more forcibly show the scanty knowledge which the Athenians had obtained of the interior of Aetolia in the time of Thucydides, than his remark that the Eurytanes spoke a language scarcely intelligible, and were reported to feed upon raw flesh. Though cruel, treacherous, and rapacious, like the Aetolians in general, the Eurytanes contributed greatly to the power of that confederacy which for many

§ 2.626 years had a leading influence in the affairs of Greece, and even checked the ambition of Rome. To the formation of the Aetolians into a single body moved by a national council, it is probable that the magnificent position of Thermus in the country of the Eurytanes, mainly contributed—strong in itself, central with regard to the whole province, and conveniently situated for commanding both the fertile plains of old Aetolia and the rude mountains of the Epictetus.

§ 3.001 Volume III CHAPTER XXII. EPIRUS, LEUCAS, ITHACA, CEPHALLENIA. Corfu, 9th September, 1806.—Having engaged a vessel to carry me through the Aegaean to Mount Athos, we set sail this evening from the port of Kastradhes, Italice Castrai. The vessel is of 55 tons, and one of those called by the Venetians Manzera, carrying square or latine sails, according to the state of the weather. The captain refused to put to sea on a Tuesday until the sun was down, that day being considered unlucky by all classes of Greeks: nor would he consent to sail in the day-time, as he feared the effects of the ματίασμα, or cattivo occhio, of those who may envy him for the beauty of his vessel.

§ 3.002 Sept. 10.—From the low sandy point of Lefkimo in Corfu, the ancient Leucimne, or Leucimme, to Cavo Bianco, probably the Amphipagus of Ptolemy, the coast of Corfu has a N. and S. direction for 6 or 7 miles, nearly parallel to that of Epirus, and thus forms the southern entrance of the channel of Corfu: the breadth is five miles, but is narrowed to four between Cape Bianco and the islands which preserve their ancient name Sybota, by extensive shallows adjoining the former Cape. Similar shoals encircle Cape Lefkimo, but as they stretch chiefly to the northward, and the channel is here wider, they are not so inconvenient to navigation as the former. There is a sheltered bay between the two principal Syvota, and another between the inner island and the main. In the latter Ι anchored in a Russian brig of war in May last. The adjacent district on the continent is named Vrakhana, and consists of several dispersed hamlets, among which, on the shore opposite to the inner island of the Syvota, are two towers belonging to Murtzo, an Albanian chief. These occupy apparently the site of the place which Thucydides

§ 3.003 calls “the continental Sybota,” and where, after the second naval action between the Corcyraei and Corinthians, in the year before the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, the Corinthians erected a trophy, while the Corcyraei, who equally claimed the victory, set up their trophy “at the insular Sybota,” whence it would seem that there were villages of that name on either side of the inner strait or harbour. Midway between the outer Syvota and Parga is Cape Varlam, commonly called Formajo by the seamen of Italy and the Seven Islands. Immediately north of it, is a retirement of the coast with a sandy beach, above which are cultivated slopes round some dispersed hamlets, all known by the name of Arpitza. Near the shore are the remains of a Hellenic fortification now called Erimokastro. Parga, and the heights behind it, covered with olive groves and gardens, have a very pleasing appearance from the sea. The town is situated on the steep side of a conical rock, which divides a small recess of the coast into two bays, both exposed to the Garbino, and consequently dangerous in winter, except for small boats, which may shelter close under the town, or behind some rocks on the southern side of the southern port. The ridge which connects the promontory with the neighbouring mountain and separates the two ports, is covered with a street of houses, and there Is another on the beach of the southern port.

§ 3.004 On the rock stands a fortress, in which resides the Bey sent from Constantinople to receive the tribute; the place being governed in the same manner as Prevyza. About six miles to the south-eastward of Parga is the entrance of Splantza, or the harbour of Fanari, the ancient Glycys Limen, into which the Acheron discharges itself. The intermediate coast has a direction first due east, and then south; exactly in the angle is Ai Ianni, or St. John, which is the best harbour in this part of the coast. Porto Fandri is small and shallow, and therefore frequented only by small vessels, which load the corn and kalambokki of the plain of Fanari. The port is easily known by an interval of low coast between steep hills, and by a remarkable precipice on one side of the entrance. As at Buthrotum, the water of this bay is rendered almost sweet by the great river which is discharged into it; whence the ancient name Glycys Limen. Suli is a conspicuous object rising behind this part of the coast; on the heights a little to the southward of Porto Fanari is the village of Klarentza, and below it a small harbour and some magazines for the sarddles, which are caught in great plenty, in and near Porto Fanari. The coast is steep but well cultivated as far as Cape Agriapidhia, the heights above which are seen from Corfu. There is no situation between Porto Fanari and the port Comarus of Nicopolis, now Mytika, indicating any great probability of an ancient site: Ι am informed, however, that some Hellenic remains exist

§ 3.005 at Klarentza. The most conspicuous object is the castle of Riniassa situated at the foot of a maritime ridge, which is separated by some elevated valleys from the range extending from Zalongo towards Suli. Two miles to the north of it is a small harbour named Elia. Some difficulty occurs in adjusting the ancient names on the coast between the channel of Corcyra and Nicopolis. Arpitza I believe to be the place named Chimerium, where the Corinthians stationed their fleet, and established a camp on returning to the Epirote coast in the summer following their defeat by the Corcyraei near Paxi, at the same time that they formed another camp at Actium for the protection of Leucas and their other allies in that quarter. The station of the Corcyraei was at Leucimne; and in those positions the hostile forces remained the whole summer without coming to action. Previously to the second battle between the same two parties, which oc-curred three years after the first, Chimerium was again the station of the Corinthian fleet, while that of the Corcyraei was at Sybota.

§ 3.006 On this occasion, Thucydides describes Chimerium as a cape amd harbour on the Epirote coast, between the rivers Acheron and Thyamis. We find, accordingly, that Cape Varhun is about midway between the mouths of those two rivers, and that the bay of Arpitza, being exactly opposite to Cape Bianco, was peculiarly well placed to observe the entrance of the channel of Corfu, and to prevent an enemy stationed at Lefkimo from sailing out of it unobserved. The historian does not, indeed, refer to Chimerium as a fortress, but seems to describe it as a harbour dependent upon Ephyre. But I have frequently had occasion to observe, that places noticed only in history as mountains, harbours, or promontories, are proved by existing ruins to have been also fortresses: and in the present instance, the words of Pausanias and Stephanus afford some presumption that Chimerium was more than a mere cape or harbour. If the remark of Pausanias were verified, who states that fresh water, similar to that of the Deine on the coast of Argolis, rose in the sea near Chimerium,

§ 3.007 there would remain no doubt on the subject. As to the mention of Ephyre by Thucydides in connection with Chimerium, it can only be reconciled with the situation which Ι have attributed to the latter, by supposing Thucydides to have employed the word ivtp in its widest sense, and merely for the purpose of introducing a notice of the rivers Acheron and Thyamis, and of the position of Chimerium between them, for the historian himself, compared with Strabo, leaves no doubt that Ephyre, afterwards named Cichyrus, stood not for above the discharge of the Acherusia and Acheron into the Glycys which is twelve or fourteen miles distant from Cape Varlam. But it is obvious that no cape near Port Fanari, nor any other position, such as Parga if we might suppose that place to have been the ancient Chimerium, can be so well adapted to the circumstances related by Thucydides as the harbour of Arpitza and Cape Varlam.

§ 3.008 Parga, I am inclined to believe, was the ancient Toryne, which Octavianus, coming from the Ionian sea, occupied with his fleet, and from whence he proceeded to offer battle to Antonius at the entrance of the strait of Actium. Ptolemy, indeed, may be thought to leave some doubt whether Toryne, or Torone as he writes it, was at Parga, or at Port St. John, as he names only the following places, and in this order: “the mouth of the Thyamis, Sybota, Torone, the mouth of the Acheron, Port Elaea, Nicopolis,” whence it may be said that St. John being a safer and more capacious harbour than that of Parga, will correspond better to Toryne. St. John lies however in an angle of the coast, not very easily entered or quitted by a fleet, and was not so convenient for the purpose of Octavianus as Parga. It was more probably the harbour of Buchaetium, a town described by Strabo as situated at a small distance from the sea, and not far from Cichyrus or Ephyre, the remains of which city still exist at a ruined monastery on the right bank of the Vuvo or Cocytus, at an equal distance from Porto Fanari and from the harbour of St. John, and not more than two hours from either.

§ 3.009 Elia, the name of the small harbour between Klarentza and Riniassa, seems to show that the Elaea, which Ptolemy places on this coast, between the month of the Acheron and Nicopolis, was there situated. On the other hand, Thucydides, by describing the Eleatis as the district where the Acherusia discharged itself into the sea, affords strong reason for believing that the reading of Scylax is correct, which represents the port Glycys to have been also called Elea, and that as no Thesprotian city of this name is noticed by any ancient author, the harbour was named Elea, and the surrounding district Eleatis, from the marshy nature of the neighbouring country, which, as it affects even the water of the harbour, was the more likely to attach that name to it. It may not have been until long after the time of Thucydides and Scylax, that for Elea was substituted the still more descriptive Glycys Limen, as the name of the harbour. It must be confessed, however, that the modern name, Elia, together with the words of Ptolemy, which represent the mouth of the Acheron and the harbour of Elaea as distinct places, are adverse to this conclusion, and that the question is rather doubtful. The maestrale, which at this season seldom sets in till the afternoon, falls about sunset, and we are

§ 3.010 becalmed till midnight, when begins the usual gulf wind from Prevyza, which carries us to the northern promontory of Lefkadha at nine in the forenoon of Sept. 11.—From this precipitous cape the coast runs south-westward as far as Cape Dukato, consisting, without intermission, of the same de-scription of bold clifis, of which the celebrated Leucate forms the still more remarkable termination. At the northern cape the coast makes a sudden curve to the eastward, and a sandy beach begins, from which, midway towards Amaxikhi, branches the low promontory of Plaka. This spit of sand makes an angle to the north-west, and then retires in the opposite direction until at a short distance from the coast of Xeromero it assumes a direction parallel to that shore, forming the northern entrance of the lagoons, which separate the island of Leucas from Acarnania. The fortress of Aghia Mavra stands exactly at the reentering angle of the promontory, where the strait is narrowest, and covers the whole breadth of the Plaka. It is now occupied by a Russian garrison of 500 men. We land at the foot of the walls, and after answering a few questions from the fort, proceed to the Sanita in the town, walking along the narrow summit of an aqueduct which crosses the lagoon and conveys water to the fort. It is supported by about 260 arches, and is 1300 yards in length.

§ 3.011 The modern capital of Leucas, named Amaxikhi, resembles Mesolonghi, as well by its situation on the lagoon as in the form of the houses, which are very unlike those of Corfu, being built chiefly of wood on a substruction of stone or brick, with galleries supported by wooden pillars. The greater part of them are of one story only, which, as well as the wooden construction, is said to have been adopted in consequence of the frequency of earthquakes. Some of the larger houses are fitted up with tapestry in the Venetian taste.

§ 3.012 The town is composed of a single street, from which branch some narrow lanes of small wooden tenements. At the northern termination of the street, near the head of the aqueduct, is a small square called the Piazza di San Marco; from the other end branch two roads which are practicable for carriages for two or three miles, and then become mere horse-paths. Amaxikhi may perhaps have taken its name from being the only place in the island where αμάξια, or wheel carriages, are or can be used. The women are generally handsome, as at Mesolonghi, and in some other situations in Greece which have every appearance of being unhealthy; but many of the men have a sickly complexion. I am lodged in the house of Mr. K. G., Austrian and British vice-consul, whose profits having been sadly diminished since the occupation of the Venetian states by the French, his habitation is proportionally humble. In the afternoon Count Angelo Orio, to whom I had a letter of introduction, presents me to the Prytano, after which we walk out to one of the count’s gardens, which is spacious and in good order. Count Orio is a Venetian, who in right of his deceased wife, an heiress of this place, has large possessions in the plains of Amaxikhi, Vonitza, and Nicopolis. But the uncertain tenure of his continental property renders it of little value. He was of the Maggior Consilio of Venice, a Governator di Nave, and two years Proveditor of Cefalonia. On being sent by Admiral Uschakoff to Petersburg, the Emperor Paul gave him the title of Conseiller Intime, with the rank of brigadier.

§ 3.013 He remained at Amaxikhi under the French, but being persecuted by General Chabot on suspicion of being in intelligence with the Turks and Russians, was obliged to take refuge in the mountains. On Chabot’s departure he returned to town, and claims the credit of having prevented Aly Pasha from entering the island when the Pashfi, encamping with his Albanians on the shore opposite to the fortress, flattered himself that he should obtain this favourite object in the name of. the Porte, and be able to hold it for himself. And he might have succeeded, if he had had a few boats to transport his Albanians. Orio endeavoured to gain time by negotiation with the Bishop of Arta and the Pasha, while the islanders, taking up a position to the southward, declared their determination to resist the Albanians. But the only real impediment was the fire of the French from the fortress upon the shallow channel, which the Albanians would otherwise have crossed on foot. After a delay of fifteen days in the siege of Cerigo, Admiral Uschakoff arrived, but the French held out twenty days longer in the castle, the Russian batteries being either too distant, or directed against the strongest parts of the work. Sept. 12.—Cross the lagoon in company with Count Orio to the fortress, in a small flat-bottomed boat which is punted, and sails back without any danger under the lee of the aqueduct, though there is a strong south-wester without. The aqueduct is so narrow, that when the wind is very strong it sometimes happens that careless or drunken men fall, or are blown over into the water and smothered in the mud.

§ 3.014 The Russians in garrison, who have just received a year’s arrear of pay and clothing, are commanded by a rough Russian colonel, who has learnt a few words of Italian at Naples and in these islands, and says that he should prefer the most miserable village in Russia to his present solitary and disagreeable station. Formerly the fortress was the seat of government, and there were houses in it for, the proveditori ordinario and straordinario. The profile is low, and the wall is very weak, especially towards the lagoon. But it is well placed for protecting the strait just where it is easily forded from the opposite heights in Xeromero, called Lamia, on the extremity of which is a Tekieh of Dervises. The shallow channel extends two or three miles to the north of the fort, separated only from the open sea by a continuation of the Plaka, which terminates at the southern side of the entrance of port Dhemata, or St. Nicolas. This harbour, being the only one between Viskardho and Prevyza, is of some importance, though the depth of water is sufficient for ships only at the entrance; it communicates eastward by a narrow channel with the Lake of Vulkaria. The fortress of Santa Maura is the only place where I have seen date trees growing on the western coast of Greece; they are now bearing fruit, but it never ripens here. On returning from the fortress we proceed to the paleokastro, or remains of the city of Leucas, a mile and a half to the south east of Amaxikhi The site is called Kaligoni, and consists of irregular heights, forming the last falls of the central ridge of the island, at the foot of which is

§ 3.015 a narrow plain between the heights and the lagoon. The hills are almost entirely covered with vineyards; the plain is occupied by gardens. Towards the northern side of the heights are a few houses called Zervates, and a church of Aio Vlasi. At two-thirds of the distance from Amaxikhi to the ancient site, a fountain called Megali Vrysis flows copiously from the rocky foot of a hill, on the summit of which stands a casino which, as well as Kaliguni and the neighbouring plain, belongs to the Count. Water is conveyed from the Vryrsis, in a subterraneous conduit, to Amaxikhi, where it supplies the town from various fountains constructed in the Turkish style. The conduit was originally a work of the Turks; but the Venetians, when a repair was required, not having been able to trace the direction of the old aqueduct, were obliged to construct the whole anew. That the same accident may not happen again, they have marked the direction by little heaps of earth, which show the extraordinary circuit taken by the conduit in preserving the proper level. A hollow between Megali Vrysis and the Paleokastro, which is now covered with vineyards, was a part of the cemetery of Leucas, as appears from the numerous bones, vases, and other sepulchral remains which have been found there. The ancient inclosure is almost entirely traceable as well round the brow of the height on the northern, western and southern sides, as from either end of the heights across the plain to the lagoon, and along its shore.

§ 3.016 This illustrates Livy, who remarks that the lower parts of Leucas were on a level close to the shore. The walls on the heights are, for the most part, of polygonal masonry, and apparently of a remote period. In the plain the masonry is more regular, some remains of towers are seen, and it seems evident that this part of the fortification is of a much later date than the original inclosure on the hills. The latter is probably a part of the Nericus mentioned in the Odyssey, which Laertes boasts to have taken, and which, even in the Peloponnesian war, had not yet assumed the name of Leucas. This change, and the extension of the walls to the lagoon, occurred probably between that war, when Leucas was opposed to the Acarnanes, and the time when it became the chief city of Acarnania and the seat of the national council. The western, or most inland point of the hill of Leucas, is of a peaked form, and was crowned by a large round tower, of which the foundations are extant Northward of this, on a tabular summit of equal height, are the remains of a small fortress or acropolis: on the lower slope of the hill are the ruins of several terrace walls; and there are some foundations also in the plain.

§ 3.017 Some cisterns were described to me by a peasant as existing in the upper part of the Paleokastro, but I did not see them. Close to the remains of the walls to the southward there is another fine fountain, fitted up in the Turkish manner, called ανασμίνη βρυαις, or the shattered fountain, and lying near it a small sepulchral stone, inscribed with the name Δάμω, the last letter doubtful. In an adjoining vineyard I observed a plain sarcophagus, and among other remains of the southern cemetery of the city a tomb made of slabs of stone set upright, in the most simple style, and which had been excavated. Count Orio found not long ago, in this vineyard, a sepulchral stone with a woman’s name. Immediately below the vineyards of Kaligoni are some extensive salt pans of the same name, which extend southward to a small round fortress in ruins called Forti, and to the southern harbour of Amaxikhi, named Drepano. Opposite to the middle of the ancient city some remains of a Hellenic mole are visible, evidently appertaining to a causeway and bridge which here crossed the lagoon. The bridge was rendered necessary by a channel, which pervades the whole length of the lagoon, and admits a passage to boats drawing five or six feet of water, while the other parts of the lagoon are not more than two feet in depth. The great squared blocks which formed the ancient causeway are still seen above the shallow water in several places on either side of the deep channel, but particularly towards the Acarnanian shore; on which side, a little to the southward of the causeway, on a small rocky height, are remains of habitations, and of a castle of the middle ages.

§ 3.018 The bridge seems to have been kept in repair at a late period of time, there being a solid cubical fabric of masonry of more modern workmanship erected on the causeway on the western bank of the channel. The earliest appellation of Leucas was Acte, or the “peninsula,” a name applied to some others as Argolis, Attica, and Athos. To that of Leucas the word Ηπείρου was added. as a distinction, and Ακτή Ηπειροίο seems to have been its common designation in the time of Homer; it was indeed very naturally so named by the neighbouring islanders, as Epirus or “the continent” was the word then applied to the whole of Acarnania as well as to Epirus proper. According to Scylax, the people of the town were called Epileucadii, so that it would seem that the name Leucas, derived from the cliffs of the western coast, had at an early period been adopted by the people. The Acarnanes of Leucas being in a state of insurrection called in a thousand colonists from Corinth, who slew the Acarnanes, occupied the country, and cutting through the isthmus made it an island. According to Pliny, this canal, or dioryctus as it was called, was 3 stades in length, a distance which agrees so well with the breadth of the Plaka, that one cannot doubt that the dioryctus was cut through that sand-bank, probably not far from the fort of Santa Maura, where the spit making an angle to the south, alluvion is quickly accumulated, and has a constant tendency

§ 3.019 to close the entrance of the deep channel which pervades the lagoon, and the navigation of which was probably the object of the Corinthians. If by this operation they rendered Leucas an island, we are to suppose that the part of the lagoon between the Plaka and Lamia, which now insulates Leucae, did not anciently exist. But I am more disposed to believe, notwithstanding the Ακτή of Homer, and other ancient testimonies, that Leucas was never more of a peninsula nor less of an island than it is at present; that is to say, that it has always been separated by a narrow fordable channel, and that the changes which appear from history to have occurred were all caused by the natural obstruction and artificial clearing of the entrance of the deep channel. The dioryctus formed by the Corinthian colony in the seventh century, B.C., had become unserviceable before the Peloponnesian war, as appears by the Peloponnesian fleet having on more than one occasion been dragged across the isthmus, though Leucas was entirely in their interest. It was in the same state in the reign of Philip, son of Demetrius, for Polybius relates, that when Philip surprised Thermus, in the year B.C. 218, and was hastening with his fleet from Cephallenia by Leucas to the Ambracic Gulf, he caused his ships to be conveyed across the isthmus, and Livy in describing the

§ 3.020 siege of Leucas by L. Quinctius, 21 years afterwards, uses the words, “ Leucadia nunc insula et vadoso freto quod perfossum manu est ab Acarnania divisa, tum peninsula erat.” The restoration of the dioryctus was perhaps a work of the Romans, after the Macedonian conquest, when one of their first acts was to separate Leucas from the Acarnanian confederacy. Both bridge and canal appear from Strabo to have existed in the reign of Augustus, whose policy it was to facilitate communication by sea and land, by these means securing the power of Rome, maintaining peace, and extending the commercial intercourse of the subject nations. It is curious that Livy, though he has probably borrowed, as usual, the part of his narrative just referred to from Polybius, has represented the town of Leucas as situated on the isthmus, where it was 500 paces long and 120 broad. Perhaps in improving the expression he lost some of the truth of his author, as he has done in some other instances. From a similar inaccuracy we may suspect that Strabo never visited Leucas in person, like many other places which he has incorrectly described, for he represents the isthmus, the dioryctus, the bridge, and Leucas to have been all in the same place, and Nericus in a different situation, whereas from what I have

§ 3.021 already stated, it is evident that Nericus, Leucas, and the bridge, were in one position, and the isthmus and dioryctus at a distance of three miles to the north of them. The insecurity which the city of Leucas felt from being placed on a peninsula, or what was nearly the same thing in a military sense, an island to which there was a fordable access from the continent, is strongly proved by the traces of a Hellenic wall, commencing near Amaxikhi, and terminating at the bluff cape which rises from the western extremity of the sandy beach. This wall intercepted the communication between the ancient city and the isthmus, or promontory of Plaka, and may have been useful also against a landing in the bay of Amaxikhi. It was probably built before the union of Leucas with Acarnania. Count Orio affirms that just before the fall of Venice, every thing was in readiness to renew the ancient canal, which would be extremely useful to the island, as well as to the whole coast of Acarnania and Epirus, by enabling small vessels to avoid the circuit of Cape Dukato.

§ 3.022 Sept. 13.—This being the first of the month (Greek style) is the day of meeting of the Syncliti to choose the members of the legislative body, of whom this island sends four, Corfu ten, Zante ten, Cefalonia ten, Ithaca two, Paxil two, Cerigo two. The Assembly meets in the church of St. Minas on the outskirts of the town, with a Russian guard at the door. The Prytano, S. V... of Corfu, opens the assembly with a long speech in Greek, pointing out the importance of the business on which they are met, and supporting his arguments by examples from ancient history. He has the character of being one of the most learned men in these islands, and the speech is much commended, though I hear one of the country nobles whispering to another, καλά λόγια, fine words without meaning.’ In fact, not one of those present is ignorant that the meeting is all a farce, and that the legislators have been named a fortnight ago by N. the emissary of the Russian plenipotentiary. But this does not prevent the ceremony of a ballot for 26 names, out of which a selection of four is to be made by the Senate. Two days are allowed for the ballot, when the boxes, sealed by the prytano, are sent to Corfu to be opened before the Senate. It is a common joke to call the Syncliti, Synklefti. Lefkadha produces corn enough for its own consumption, and some oil for exportation; a great quantity of salt, and wine sufficient not only for home consumption, but for exportation in considerable quantities to Corfu, Prevyza, and other places. Besides the salt-works of Kaligoni, there are some smaller near the town. The salt-chambers are separated from one another by other chambers in which no salt is made; the stagnant water in these and in the ditches causes malaria. The salt is piled up in large pyramids, and covered with a roof of tiles.

§ 3.023 At Corfu it is formed into little hillocks. The manufacture there is not so good as it is here, nor the salt so much esteemed. On the Acarnanian mountain, which lies opposite to the anchorage of Forti, and which extends to the bay of Zaverdha, is the scattered village of Plaia, and on the slope of Lamia the monastery and small village of Aghia Varvara. There is considerable confusion in common discourse as to the name of Santa Maura, which is given occasionally to the island, the town, or the fortress, but properly Αγία Μαυρα, is the fortress, having received that name from a small, church which stood on the site, Αμαξίχι is the town and Λευκάδα the island. Sept. 14.—The manzera having made the tour of the island by Kavo Dukato, Ι pass through the channel of the Lagoons in a small flat-bottomed boat, and rejoin the vessel a little below Forti. Sailing out of the harbour of Drepano, we leave the fountain of the Pasha, on the right hand, and then pass the port of Klimino, which is sheltered by four or five islands lying before it. The two principal, called Sparti and Skropeo, produce good corn. Maduri, situated exactly in the entrance of Klimino, is covered with olives, and belongs to Kyr Nikola Vretto of Ithaca. The harbour communicates by a narrow opening with a long interior bay. Klimino I take to be a corruption of the Ellomenus of Thucydides.

§ 3.024 Leaving Meganisi on the right, we ran along the coast of Acarnania, which rises to a lofty mountain named Kandili, containing a village of the same name; but the wind coming to the south we are unable to weather the outer cape of Kalamo called Kefali, and stand close in to the shore towards the northern extremity of the island, where is the village Piskopi, and below. it a small harbour. Opposite to the northern extremity of Kalamo, is a large bay, bordered by an extensive plain, in which are the rains of the village Varnaka, and some Hellenic remains, probably those of Alyzia. The bay is divided into two by a low projection named Mytika. The eastern anchorage is called Vurko, and from some magazines of that name there is a road of an hour across a fertile valley and steep ascent to Zkvitza, a large village on the mountain at the head of the valley. Mount Kandili is separated by a remarkable pass from Mount Bumisto, which is the highest summit in this part of Acarnania, and is nearly opposite to Kalamo. Southward of Bdmisto a long ridge borders the coast, which ends in the promontory on the western side of the entrance of the harbour of Tragamesti.

§ 3.025 Sept. 15.—Never having seen a tolerable map of Ithaca, I was most agreeably surprised in entering the noble Gulf of Molo this morning at daybreak. To the right rises with extreme steepness the great mountain of Anoi, which, being the highest and greatest in the island, we can have no difficulty in identifying with the Neritum of the poet. To the left are three harbours; the outer is a semicircular port called Skhino, perhaps an ancient name, then Vathy two miles, in length, and widening to the breadth of half a mile towards the bottom; then Dhexia, resembling Skhino, but smaller, and so called probably as being to the right in entering the principal harbour Vathy. An island before it is named Katzurbo. Beyond Dhexia the gulf extends two miles to the S.W., and terminates in the port of Aeto, separated only from the channel of Kefalonia by a narrow ridge which thus divides the island into two peninsulas. The town of Vathy occupies a long narrow space on the shore at the head of the bay of the same name. Before it is an island named Pandokratora, on which stands a lazaretto. I am lodged in the house of Mr. Constantine Zavo, English vice-consul, whose father held the same office for 50 years. The Prytano is of a Venetian family settled at Kefalonia. He has lately excited considerable discontent by disarming the Ithacans, and taking away from them even the small knives which they wore in their girdles. In a decree of the senate of Venice, dated in the year 1504, of which a copy still exists at Vathy, lands are offered gratis, and an exemption from all imposts for ten years in the uninhabited island lying on the eastern side of Cefalonia called Val di Compare, or Val di Compagno; in consequence

§ 3.026 of this decree the island was occupied, and 25 years afterwards was governed by a Venetian styled Il Capitano. In this instance, as in many others, the Greeks, however much behind the Italians they may be in civilization generally, show that they were not so ignorant of the ancient geography of Greece, for they have never ceased to apply to this island its ancient name, altered merely by a simple metathesis of the two first letters, Θιάκη for Ίθάκη, while the latter is well known by the better classes to be the correct orthography. The gentile Ιθακήσιος, employed by Homer, is in use, as well as ‘Ιθακος, which is found in Euripides, and on the coins of the island; the corresponding θιακος is now the vulgar gentile. From θιάκη has been formed the Italian Teachi or Teaci. Every peasant is acquainted with the name of Odhyssefs, though few know much of his story, and probably not six persons in the island have ever read Homer. Thiaki has a population of 8000 souls, of whom about 1200 are absentees, either as merchants employed chiefly at Constantinople in importing grain and iron into that city from the Black Sea, or as sailors working the ships of the island, possessed by those merchants. By the majority the two employments are combined. There are 50 square-rigged vessels owned and manned by

§ 3.027 Ithacans, and about as many boats, which carry on a traffic with the neighbouring islands and shores of the continent. About 20 of the ships have been built in the island. The exports of Thiaki are 250,000 lire Venete of currants, now valued at 25,000 piastres, 6,000 barrels of wine at 60,000 piastres, and 1,500 barrels of oil every other year, valued at 30,000 piastres. The island produces also a sufficiency of oil and wine for its own consumption, 20,000 kila of wheat and barley, and a small quantity of cheese. The grain is hardly sufficient for half the year’s consumption, and the yearly expenditure on this head is reckoned at 125,000 piastres. There is some importation also of salt fish, and cattle for slaughter. The currants of the island were sent formerly to England by the Zante merchants, and were the most esteemed of any, but they are now chiefly bought by the Sclavonians and Moreites. The wine is sent to Corfu and the continent; the oil to Trieste and Venice; the cheese to Zante. The daily price of labour is, on ordinary occasions, 80 paras a day without provision, which is higher than in most of the other islands, agricultural hands being scarce. The valley around Vathy is well cultivated with corn, and scarcely a spot on the heights, that will admit of a vineyard, has been neglected. The remainder consists of rocky ground covered with brushwood. To the south-west of the town rises the highest mountain in the southern peninsula, and next to the mountain of Anoi the highest point in the island.

§ 3.028 It is called Stefanovuni, or Merovugli: on its slope are situated the village of Perakhorio and the Monastery of the Archangels. On the opposite or western side it slopes abruptly to the channel of Kefalonia. The superiority of Vathy in fertility, and the convenience of its harbour render probable the supposition that here was one of the towns of Ithaca, if not the capital, and the presumption is supported by the numerous wrought stones of Hellenic times, found in the houses and streets of the town, and in the fences around it. The three principal families of Ithaca are the Petaliadhes, the Karaviadhes, and the Dhendhrinadhes; a principal branch of the first has taken the name of Zavo, because one of the ancestors of our present Vice-Consul was an idiot. This family owns the valley at Aeto, the greater part of Anoi, and a part of the land near Vathy, of which the remainder chiefly belongs to the Dhendhrinadhes, particularly to their chief Asimaki Dhrakoleone. The valley of Oxoi, the most productive district in the island, is chiefly the property of the Vrettei, a branch of the Karaviadhes: a Vrettos from Vasiliki, in Lefkadha, came to settle in the island near 200 years ago, from whom 150 families of that name are descended. A peaked height to the S. E. of Vathy, easily recognized from the Acarnanian coast, furnishes an excellent geographical station, and commands an interesting view of the sea, surrounded by Leucas, Ithaca, and Acarnania, with the numerous islands which rise from its surface and the coast of the main

§ 3.029 as far as Cape Chelonatas in the Peloponnesus. Of the islands,—Kalamo, Kastus, Atoko, and all the Echinades, are dependencies of Thiaki— Meganisi, Arkudhi, and the small islands near Klimino, of Lefkadha. As several of them are within gunshot of the Ottoman shore, the Septinsular Republic would have some difficulty in establishing any better right to them than that of undisputed possession for several centuries, unless there was some particular treaty by which they were ceded to the Venetians, unknown to every person of whom I have made the inquiry. The Protogeros of Kalamo, who happens at present to be at Vathy, informs me that his island contains 100 families, living in the two villages of Muli and Piskopi, the former situated on the eastern face of the mountain; the latter on the western as before mentioned. The island produces nothing but wheat and barley, both excellent, but particularly the former, which is preferred to any other produced in the Seven Islands. At the northern extremity of the island, over against Kandiles, is the port of Ai Dhonato, with magazines and a square Castle called Spanish, on the water side, and on the slope above it some imperfect remains of Hellenic masonry. On the summit of the hill which immediately faces the continent, there is also a Hellenic castle or acropolis, built of very large wrought stones. This mountain is very little lower than the central summit of the island, which declines rapidly to-wards the south-western cape Kefali, not far from which, on the eastern side, and opposite to Kastus,

§ 3.030 is the port of Ghero Limiona open to the east. Kastus, which contains 20 or 30 families, is about half as large as Kalamo. The islands are both long and narrow, and lie in a parallel direction, the channel which separates them is two miles wide in the broadest part. Off the northern extremity of Kastus is Provataki, an islet covered with wild olives, which have been grafted, but without much success. Meganisi contains about 200 families in two villages, and produces twice as much corn as Kalamo, the soil being generally cultivable. The Meganisiotes pretend that their wheat is better than that of Kalamo. The island consists of a single ridge, forming a half circle round a large bay on the eastern side, and diminishing in height and breadth from north to south. The latter extremity is a mere rock, off which is a small low island called Khithro, separated from Meganisi by a narrow channel, and appearing at a distance like a part of it. The Echinades, which name, although not in vulgar use, is known to all Greeks of any education, are divided into two clusters, besides Petala, which being quite barren and close to the main land, is not claimed, or at least is not occupied by the Ithacans, though anciently it was undoubtedly one of the Echinades. The northern cluster is commonly called the Dhragonares, from Dhragonara, the principal island,and the southern, the Oxies, or Skrofes.

§ 3.031 By the Venetians they were known as the islands of Kurtzolari, which name belongs properly to a peninsula to the left of the mouth of the Achelous, near Oxia. Seventeen of the islands have names beside the four Modhia, two of which are mere rocks, and nine of them are cultivated. These are beginning from the southward:—Oxia, Makri, Vromona, Pondikonisi, Karlonisi, Provati, Lambrino, Sofia, Dhragonara. Oxia alone is lofty. Dhragonara produces from 250 to 300 kila of grain per annum; and Mr. Zavo, of Ithaca, to whom the island belongs, has grafted many wild olives, which have succeeded to perfection. Makri and Vromona are the two islands next in importance. It is said that most of the Echinades, as well as the other islands attached to the government of Thiaki, formerly belonged to a large monastery at Kastus. Ithaca, as the poet justly remarks in the Odyssey, is rugged, has no good roads, and is not well adapted to horses; though small, it is not unproductive, but yields good corn and wine, and feeds goats and oxen.

§ 3.032 So far its modern state resembles that of the time of Homer; but the mountains are no longer shaded with woods, and this may be the reason why the rain and the dew are not so plentiful as the poet represents, and why the island no longer abounds in hogs fattening upon acorns. Mr. Zavo came in eleven hours in a boat from the port of Kastradhes, at Corfu, to the town of Vathy. The same voyage by Ulysses, therefore, in the course of a night was not wonderful, with the assistance of Minerva. The port of Phorcys, which was his place of landing, Ι am inclined to identify with Skhino, for this seems the only point in the island exactly corresponding to the poet’s data: 1. In being suited to the intention of those who conveyed Ulysses from Corcyra, namely, that of landing him as quickly as possible, and of quitting the coast before he was awake; 2dly, in admitting of an easy and unobserved walk from the place of landing to the station of Eumaeus, at the

§ 3.033 εσχατίη, or extremity of the island which was nearest to the Peloponnesus, the first might, perhaps, have been better obtained by a landing in some port of the northern peninsula, but the second would have been impracticable from thence; 3dly, the situation of Mount Neritum, which rises directly in face of Skhino, is exactly adapted to the speech of the disguised Minerva, when she proves to Ulysses that he is in Ithaca, by pointing to the mountain; 4thly, the road from Skhino to the station of Eumaeus was exactly as Homer describes, rugged, and leading through woods and mountains. The island is now divided into four parts, Vathy, Aetos, Anoi, and Exoi or Oxoi. Vathy and Oxoi, the two extremities, have each a fertile valley. In Aetos and Anoi, which occupy the middle part of the island, the rocky mountains admit of little cultivation. Aetos is the only division which has not a homonymous village; the name, vulgarly Aeto, is specifically attached to the remains of