Col. William Leake, Travels in the Morea (v.1-3)

§ 3.302 It is evident, from what has already been said as to the nature of the ground, that the defossion of the Isthmus would be a work sufficiently difficult in the narrowest part. To fortify it is a much easier operation, and accordingly we still trace, as I have already remarked, the remains of a Hellenic wall, flanked with towers from the bay of Schoenus to that of Lechaeum. Wheler, who observed this fortification, supposed it to have been the work of the Lacedaemonians. The Only authority that I can find to countenance this supposition is Diodorus, who states, that the Peloponnesians, at the time of the Persian invasion, strengthened the wall across the Isthmus; which seems as if some permanent work had previously existed. The far better evidence of Herodotus, however, speaks only, on that occasion, of one of those field works often executed in the wars of Greece for temporary purposes, and which were composed of rude stones, bricks, timber, and earth. Neither Thucydides nor Xenophon allude to any lines of defence, as having formed an obstacle on any of the occasions on which they describe the hostile

§ 3.303 progress of troops through the Isthmus; and Diodorus describes that which was erected when Athens, Sparta, and Corinth endeavoured to defend the Isthmus against the Boeotians, [BC 368] as nothing more than a ditch and palisade. Nevertheless, it is certain, that there was at one time a permanent fortification, since its remains, built in the manner of th$ best times, still attest the fact. It began at the shore of the bay of Lechaeum, about three quarters of a mile southward of the canal of Nero, and extended across the narrowest part of the Isthmus to the bay of Schoenus. It was constructed of a masonry rather regular, and such as does not seem to indicate a very remote antiquity. It was flanked with square towers on the northern side, shewing that it was intended for the protection of the Isthmus towards the Megaris. It followed the crest of the low cliffs already mentioned wherever this natural advantage offered itself; and in some parts there are traces of the

§ 3.304 Isthmus wall having had the additional defence of a ditch. Some wells are visible also in the line of the ditch, which were, perhaps, no more than excavations for the purpose of ascertaining the nature of the soil when the formation of a canal was intended. At the western end the line terminated in a square fortress, standing upon the shore of the bay of Lechaeum. Of this the foundations still remain, and have served to form part of a similar work, which in later times has been erected upon it; and of which the last repairs were probably made by the Venetians. I have already described the termination of the Isthmic wall at the eastern end; and thus no doubt can remain, that a line of permanent fortification existed at same period of ancient his tory. It seems most probable, that it was a work of the Corinthians, and was, perhaps, a

§ 3.305 part of that system for defending the Corinthia, and at the same time for obtaining the command of the entrance into the Peloponnesus, which the position of Corinth naturally suggested, and of the existence of which some proofs have already been given from ancient history. In returning from the Isthmus to Corinth late in the evening, I pass by the copious sources of water mentioned by Wheler, which are a mile and a half from the modern town, on the road to the western end of the Isthmus. I shall now subjoin a few remarks on the subordinate positions of the Corinthia. By Pausanias this district was considered a part of the Argeia; and this he repeats, by remarking, in allusion to the testimony of Homer, that the Corinthians were always subject in ancient times to those who ruled at Argos and Mycenae. Another reason for his placing Corinthia as well as Sicyonia under the same division of his work

§ 3.306 as Argeia was, that Corinth and Sicyon as well as Argos became Doric cities after the return of the Heracleidae, and thus were distinguished by dialect from Achaea. The Corinthia extended twenty miles in one direction from near Pagae, on the shore of the north-eastern arm of the Corinthiac gulf, to the borders of Epidauria, on the Saronic gulf, and thirty in the other direction, from the coniines of Phliasia and Argolis to those of Megaris at the precipitous coast called the Scironian rocks. In quitting Athens, Pausanias pursues the direct route to the Isthmus, by Eleusis, Megara, and the Scironian rocks. He included the Megaris in his book relating to Attica, in conformity with the ancient partition, before the Megaris became Doric, and when Ionia began at the Isthmus, as the Isthmic column testified. His Corinthiacs, therefore, open at the boundaries of the Megaris and Corinthia, at the western extremity of the Scironides, near a temple of Apollo Latous.

§ 3.307 Here began a succession of narrow valleys at the foot of the mountains Oneia, extending twelve miles along the shore of the Saronic gulf, as far as the port Schoenus, or eastern extremity of the Isthmus properly so called. All this tract appears to have been called the Crommyonia. The only place mentioned in it by Pausanias is Crommyon; but we know from other authors, that there was likewise a town or fortress, named Sidus, between Crommyon and the Isthmus. It sufficiently appears, from Thucydides, Strabo, and Pausanias that Crommyon itself was not far from the Scironides, which, as we have already seen, were the boundary of the Megaris. Near Kineta, a village not far from the western termination of the rocks, which is built like Megara with

§ 3.308 flat roofs, and is situated in a valley planted with olives, there are some vestiges which indicate that Crommyon occupied nearly the same site. Sidus appears to have been at Kassidhi, midway between Kineta and port Kalamaki, the ancient Schoenus. Wheler makes no mention of Kassidhi; but he remarked the ruins of a monument about midway between Megara and Corinth, which is precisely the position of Kassidhi. Some remains of Hellenic buildings are still to be seen there, but the greater part of what Wheler saw has probably been long since carried away for the purpose of being employed in the erection of new buildings in the islands or on the coasts of Greece. The topography of the Corinthian coast on the opposite side of the Saronic gulf, to the south-eastward of Cenchreiae, is illustrated by some military occurrences in the Peloponnesian war. We learn from Thucydides, that, at a distance of about eight miles from Corinth and

§ 3.309 four from Cenchreiae, there was a mountain called Solygius, of which, in ancient times, the Dorians had taken possession, making war from thence upon the Corinthians when the latter were of Aeolic race. In the time of Thucydides it was the position of a town called Solygeia. In the seventh year of the Peloponnesian war, (BC 425) a body of Athenians disembarked from the fleet commanded by Nicias at a place between Rheitus and Chersonesus, twelve stades below Mount Solygius, sixty stades from Corinth, and twenty from the Isthmus; by which last expression the historian probably meant the nearest -part of the Isthmic plain behind Cenchreiae The distances fix the place of debarkation in the bay below Galataki, about three miles to the southward of Kekhries. Chersonesus is evidently that peninsula which bounds the bay to the north-westward near the tepid stream, -which was anciently called the Bath of Helene. Rheitus was probably the harbour sheltered by a small island, which is situated at three geographical miles and a half in direct distance to the south-east of Kekhries.

§ 3.310 The Corinthians, who came out of the city to oppose the enemy, stationed half their forces at Cenchreiae, in order to succour Crommyon, should the Athenians make any sudden movement by sea against that place; and with the remainder they moved in two columns, one to occupy Solygeia, which was not fortified, the other to engage the Athenians, who were drawn up on the sea-shore in front of the Chersonesus. The Corinthians being repulsed after a very vigorous assault, retired a little way up the slope; then assailing the enemy from above with stones, and singing the paean, they rushed again to the attack, and drove a part of the Athenian right to the sea. At length, being once more repulsed, and having lost in their retreat one of their two commanders and a great number of their men, they made no further attempt. Thucydides accounts for the Corinthians at Cenchreiae not having advanced immediately to the assistance of their comrades by the

§ 3.311 interposition of the hill Oneium, which prevented them from seeing the transactions near Solygeia; as soon as the dust which arose from the scene of action informed them of what was passing, they moved forward from Cenchreiae. The Athenians, finding that not only these troops were marching against them, but also the remaining men of Corinth, who had before been left in the city as having passed the military age, retired to their gallies, and crossed over to the neighbouring islands. It appears from this narrative, that Thucydides gives the name of Oneium to the ridge already often mentioned, which borders the Isthmus on the south-east, stretching from the Bath of Helene and Cenchreiae to the river on the eastern side of the Acro-Corinth. Polybius and Plutarch assign the same appellation to this ridge, when they relate that Cleomenes fortified with an entrenchment, the ravine which separates this mountain from the Acro-Corinth. It appears, therefore, that all the heights bordering upon the Isthmus, as well those on the southern as on the northern side, were called Oneia. To the northward, according to Strabo, they comprehended all the mountains of Megaris, as far as Mount Cithaeron. Undoubtedly all the principal

§ 3.312 summits of the latter range had specific appellations, although that of one only has reached us, namely, Geraneia. Beyond the coast of Solygeia, to the southeastward, there was a harbour, called Peiraeus [. Spiraion ]; it was the scene of a remarkable occurrence in the twentieth year of the Peloponnesian War, BC. 412. The Peloponnesian fleet, which had sailed from Cenchreiae for the purpose of crossing the Aegaean Sea to Chios, to assist the islanders in their revolt against Athens, was chased by the Athenian fleet into Peiraeus, where the Athenians obtained a victory, in which Alcamenes, the Peloponnesian commander, was slain. Twenty of the Peloponnesian ships were afterwards blockaded in Peiraeus, by an equal number of Athenians, during a great part of the summer, and until the former, suddenly advancing against the blockading force, captured four ships, and made good their passage to Cenchreiae. The historian informs us, that Peiraeus was an uninhabited harbour, near the boundaries of the Corinthia and Epidauria, and that, during the blockade, the Athenian fleet was sheltered by a neighbouring island. The natural limit of the two districts is the rugged ridge, which, descending from Mount Arachnaeum, forms a cape, opposite to which there is a range of small islands, extending to Aegina. There cannot therefore

§ 3.313 be any doubt that Peiraeus was the land-locked harbour, now called Frango-Limniona, and that the island opposite to the entrance of the harbour was that which sheltered the squadron of the Athenians. It is now called Ovrio-nisi, or Ovriokastro, Jew's Castle, which appellation is derived from some ruins in the island, but of what date or description I am not informed. For the other places on this part of the Corinthiac coast, we have no better authorities than Pliny and Ptolemy, whose evidence nearly agrees as to the places situated between Epidaurus and Cenchreiae, but who, by not having repeated any of the names of Thucydides, have added little or nothing to his information. In the place of port Peiraeus, they both name a cape Spiraeum, (by which they perhaps meant the projection of the coast, at which the harbour of Frango-Limiona is situated. In the part of the Corinthia, adjacent to the shore of the Corinthiac Gulf, or Sea Alcyonis, as Strabo calls it, there was a fortress called Oenoe.

§ 3.314 Strabo mentions it twice, and in the latter of the two passages refers to the former. Oenoe stood between Cape Olmiae and Pagae of the Megaris, of which place, so often alluded to in the history of Greece, the remains are found at the harbour now called Psatho. There may be some doubt whether Olmiae was the promontory now called Melangavi (Black Cape) upon which stood the Heraeum,or temple of Juno Acraea, or whether it was another projection to the north-eastward of the Heraeum, immediately opposite to the small islands called Kala Nisia, and to Mount Korombili, on the Boeotian coast. The reasons for believing that it was the latter promontory are, 1. That Plutarch and Livy, the latter of whom exactly describes the position of Cape Melangavi, give it no other name than that of Heraeum, or the promontory of Juno:

§ 3.315 2. that supposing Strabo to have written Ολμιας, in the doubtful passage cited in the note, the distance of 120 stades from Creusis, now Livadostro, to Olmiae, will agree much better with the reality, on the supposition that Olmiae was the northeastern of the two capes: 3. that the promontory of Juno would be more correctly described, as forming, together with Sicyon, the entrance of the bay of Corinth, than as forming, together with Creusis, the inner branch of the sea Alcyonis, in which Pagae was situated; the latter being the description which Strabo gives of Olmiae. In either case it is probable that Oenoe stood near Skhino; that place being situated, as Strabo describes Oenoe, towards the innermost part of the gulf, whereas the coast between the two capes, or below Perakhora, will not well answer to such a description, and was, moreover, in all probability, the district of another ancient place, which stood on or near the site of Perakhora. That place was Peiraeum, a town or fortress of the Corinthia, which was the scene of an exploit of Agesilaus, soon after the attack which he and his brother Teleutias made upon Corinth by land and sea, in the year BC 393. The

§ 3.316 modern name, indeed, seems only to be a modification of the ancient with the same meaning, both of them being derived from the position of this part of the Corinthia over against Corinth, or beyond the bay of Lechaeum. Agesilaus, whose forces were in possession of Lechaeum, having received intelligence at Sparta that Peiraeum was extremely useful to the Corinthians, that many persons were subsisted there, and that the cattle which supplied the city with provision was there chiefly collected, resolved upon another expedition to Corinth, for the sake of attacking Peiraeum. As it happened to be the period of the Isthmic festival, of which the Argives in Corinth had usurped the management, Agesilaus first marched to the Isthmus. On his approach the Argives retreated into Corinth, by the way of Cenchreiae; the Corinthian refugees then completed the sacrifices and games in the presence of the Lacedaemonians, and on the fourth day the king proceeded towards Peiraeum. Finding that the place was strongly garrisoned, he made a sudden counter-march towards Corinth, which induced the Corinthians to recal Iphicrates from Peiraeum, with the greater part of the peltastae. As soon

§ 3.317 as Agesilaus learnt that these troops had crossed over in the night to Corinth he moved again towards Peiraeum, and encamped that evening at the Therma, or Warm Sources, sending forward the mora which accompanied him, to occupy the summit of the mountain above the Therma. Here, being in their summer dresses, they suffered greatly from the cold, in consequence of the height of the hill, and a recent fall of rain and hail. To remedy the inconvenience, Agesilaus sent up to them several earthen vessels, containing fire; and wood being abundant on the mountain, they were thus enabled to make large fires, and to dress their suppers. While thus employed, they beheld at a distance the conflagration of the Temple of Neptune, at the Isthmus, which was burnt that night, it was not known by what means. As soon as the Corinthians at Peiraeum ascertained that the heights were in possession of the Lacedaemonians, they retired to the Heraeum, with their women, slaves, and cattle. While Agesilaus marched thither along the shore, the mora descended from the heights, and captured the fortress Oenoe, together with all the stores which it contained. On the approach of Agesilaus, those who were in the Heraeum surrendered at discretion. Very soon afterwards, while the king

§ 3.318 was seated at a round building, near the shore of the harbour, examining the spoil and captives which were brought out of the Heraeum, a horseman arrived in great haste to inform him that the Amyclaean mora, which had marched out from Lechaeum towards Sicyon, on its return to Sparta, to attend the Hyacinthian festival at Amyclae, had been followed by a body of peltastae under Iphicrates, and had lost 250 men. Agesilaus, with some of his officers, set out immediately towards Lechaeum, leaving orders for the troops to follow as soon as they had dined. When he had passed the Therma, and had arrived in the plain of Lechaeum, a messenger met him, announcing that the mora had been succoured, and had reentered Lechaeum, and that the dead bodies had been brought off. After a short halt, therefore, he returned to the Heraeum. On the next day the captives were sold; on the following, Agesilaus marched to the place between Lechaeum and Sicyon, where the Amyclaei had been defeated, cutting down and burning the trees as a defiance to the Corinthians,

§ 3.319 but not disturbing the trophy which had been erected by Iphicrates. After these transactions he sent back to Creusis some Boeotian deputies whom he had found at the Heraeum, whither they had been sent to treat for peace, and returned to Sparta with the remains of the defeated mora, leaving another in garrison at Lechaeum. Not long afterwards Iphicrates retook Crommyon, Sidus, and Oenoe. The Therma, or Warm Sources, at which Agesilaus encamped on the night before the capture of Oenoe and the Heraeum, are found at the foot of the mountain of Perakhora, on the coast of the Corinthian bay, immediately opposite to Lechaeum. The harbour of the Heraeum, on the shore of which stood the circular building, appears to be that on the eastern side of the cape, now called Agrio, where vessels often seek shelter from the westerly winds, to which the roadsted of Lechaeum is much exposed. I have been the more particular in following the expressions of Xenophon in the preceding narrative, because some readers may be inclined to apply the transaction to the harbour Peiraeus, in the Saronic Gulf, and this is the more likely to happen as, besides the similarity of name, there are some other coincidences in the two districts. The Warm Sources near Cenchreiae,

§ 3.320 anciently called the Bath of Helene, correspond to the Lutra; the mountain above the Bath of Helene is similar to that which was occupied by the Lacedaemonian mora between the Lutra and Perakhora; and in both places the road beyond the Warm Sources led along the seashore. The mention, however, which Xenophon makes of Lechaeum and its plain, as well as of the Heraeum, of Oenoe, and of Creusis, leave no doubt, that the district of Perakhora was the scene of the transactions which he has described. Of all the subordinate places of the Corinthia, the most important was Tenea. Strabo thus speaks of it: “To the Corinthia also belongs the town Tenea, where is the temple of Apollo Teneates. It is said, that the greater part of the followers of Archias, when he was sent to found the colony of Syracuse, were of Tenea; that the place was afterwards the most prosperous of any of the towns of the Corinthia; and that, having joined the Romans against the Corinthians, it subsisted when its capital was destroyed.” Strabo adds, that Tenea and Tenedos had a common origin in Tennus the son of Cycnus, and cites Aristotle in support of this opinion.

§ 3.321 It was at Tenea that Polybus, king of Corinth, was said to have nourished Oedipus, the king's shepherds having found him on Mount Cithaeron, where he had been exposed by his father Laius. Pausanias bestows only a few words on Tenea: on the side of the Acro-Corinth,” he says, “towards the mountains are the Teneatic gate, and a temple of Lucina, about sixty stades beyond which is the place called Tenea. The natives say that they are originally Trojans, that they were brought from Troy by the Greeks as prisoners; that Agamemnon gave them this place for a habitation; and that, in consequence of their origin from Troy, they worship Apollo beyond the other gods.” It can hardly be doubted, I think, from the former part of this passage, that Tenea occupied the valley watered by the river which issues through the opening on the eastern side of the Acro-Corinth into the Isthmic plain; and this locality is confirmed by Stephanus, who describes Tenea as situated between Corinth and Mycenae.

§ 3.322 Notwithstanding the military strength of the Corinthia, and the commanding position of Corinth, notwithstanding the facilities which the natural formation of the territory offered for the application of artificial strength in the most effectual manner, it does not appear that the Corinthians ever controlled the affairs of Greece, in any important crisis of its history. Generally divided like the other republics into two parties, they were probably seldom able, even with the assistance of their allies, to find defenders for the immense circuit of the citadel, city, Long Walls, and port of Lechaeum, still less to occupy effectually the Isthmus, or the passes eastward of the Acro-Corinth. Even in the Boeotian war, when Corinth was allied with Sparta and Athens, as well as with a considerable portion of the Peloponnesus, the Thebans, in their repeated invasions of the; peninsula, found no difficulty in penetrating into the heart of it, after they had passed the Oneia. In the present age, when politics and war are conducted on a larger scale and more enlightened principles, when large bodies of men are more easily brought to follow a single impulse, than could occur among the small and jealous republics of Greece, when the greater power and range of missile weapons renders a larger space of ground defensible by the same numbers, that triple barrier of the Peloponnesus, which is formed by the Oneia, by the Isthmus, and by the Corinthian line, would furnish the finest field for the exercise of military science.

§ 3.324 CHAPTER XXX PHLIASIA. SICYONIA. April 24. For the last three days we have had a south-west wind, and heavy showers, with only short intermissions. Before that time the wind was southerly, with light airs, the sky hazy, and the heat oppressive, without any rain. At 8.30 this morning I quit Corinth; at 8.40 leave the road to Vasilika on the right, and take that of Argos, which passes through the white clayey hills on the southern side of the plain of Corinth: here the road is very slippery, in consequence of the late rains, and our pace is slow, although we have good menzil horses. At 8.57 we cross, by a bridge, a small stream which joins, that of Cleonae. At 9.05 pass a quarry, and the marks of chariot wheels in the rocks, and a little farther some Hellenic foundations. Having entered the valley of the river of Cleonae, we cross the stream three times, generally proceeding along its right bank, between rugged hills, which connect the Acro-Corinth on the left with the truncated peak called Fuka (probably the ancient Apesas ) on the right. At 10.35, at the opening of this narrow valley into the plain of Cleonae, Omer Tjaus, a small village, adorned with gardens and cypresses, stands on the opposite or right bank of the river. Several rivulets descend from the surrounding mountains, and unite in the plain. Of these mountains the most remarkable is a long ridge, called Aion Oros, of which the direction, like that of the plain itself, is from north-west to south-east. Leaving the river and plain on our left, we cross some uncultivated hills, the roots of Mount Fuka, and at 11.13 halt for a few minutes at die site of Cleonae. The only remains are some Hellenic foundations around a small height, upon which are the supporting walls of several terraces. A hamlet of four or five houses on the slope towards the plain is still called Klenes, not far from which is a larger village, named Kurtesi. That of Ai Vasili, from which the plain generally takes its name, stands in a lofty situation, on the face of Aion Oros, above the opposite side of the plain, at a distance of two miles direct to the S.E. of Cleonae.

§ 3.326 Strabo, having been in this instance an eyewitness, seems to have correctly described Cleonae as having been a small town lying on the road from Argos to Corinth, on a hill surrounded on all sides by buildings, and well walled; so as to deserve the epithet applied to it by Homer. He adds, “it is 120 stades distant from Argos, and eighty from Corinth. We ourselves saw the place from the Acro-Corinth.” Pausanias describes Cleonae in like manner, as a small city. The only monuments he remarked there, were a temple of Minerva, containing an ancient statue by Dipoenus and Scyllis, disciples of Daedalus, and a monument of Eurytus and Cteatus, sons of Actor, who were slain by Hercules, as they were proceeding from Elis to the Isthmic Games. He takes no notice of the temple of Hercules, which, as we learn from Diodorus, was erected near Cleonae in memory of that event. “There are two roads”, continues Pausanias, “from Cleonae to Argos: the shorter is suited

§ 3.327 to pedestrian travellers; that which leads by Tretus, although narrower, and closely inclosed by mountains, is better adapted to carriages. In these mountains they still shew the cave of the Nemean lion, at a distance of fifteen stades from Nemea. The temple of Jupiter Nemeius is worth seeing, although its roof has fallen, and the statue no longer remains. Around the temple there is a grove of cypresses. The Argives sacrifice to Jupiter at Nemea, and elect the priest of the god. They have instituted also a contest of running, for armed men, at the winter festival of the Nemeia.” The other monuments at Nemea were the sepulchres of Opheltes, and his son, Lycurgus. The former was a tomb, standing within an inclosure, which contained also certain altars; the latter was a heap of earth. There was a source of water at Nemea, called Adrasteia. Above Nemea was the mountain Apesas, where Perseus was said to have been the first person who sacrificed to Jupiter Apesantius. In this, as in so many other passages of Pausanias, it is difficult to understand the direction of the roads, and the relative situation of the places, without actually visiting them. It appears that anciently three roads radiated from Cleonae.

§ 3.328 The foot road to Argos; this I take to have been the same which Polybius and Athenaeus call the Contoporeia. 1st. Because the name, meaning staff-road, indicates a route for pedestrians only. 2dly. Because Polybius speaks of it as the most direct way from Corinth to Argos which agrees with the foot road of Pausaniae. 3dly. Because Ptolemy Philadelphus, as quoted by Athenaeus, remarks, that it crossed a mountain which accords with the modern route over the Aion Oros, through Ai Vasili. 2. The second road from Cleonae was that called Tretus, or “the Perforated”, from the caverns with which it abounds. I passed through it on a former occasion it is a bed of a torrent between steep rocks which open into the Argolic plain near Mycenae. Although circuitous, it is much more convenient than the Contoporeta, being level throughout, and avoiding all the mountains. 3. The third road from Cleonae led to Nemea. This I now follow and cross a stony ridge which, in appearance, connects the mountain of Ai Vasili with Mount Fuka, or Apesas, three miles on the right, though in

§ 3.329 reality the ridge is separated from the former mountain by the Tretus. At 11.35, on the rise of the ridge are several natural caverns on the right of the road. These may have been the abode of wild beasts when the Nemeian forest covered all Tretus and Apesas, but none of them has any pretensions, if we follow Diodorus and Pausanias, to the honour of having been the favourite dwelling of the celebrated lion slain by Hercules, by command of Eurystheus King of Mycenae. That cavern was in the Tretus, between Nemea and Mycenae; Pausanias says, at only fifteen stades from the former place. In that narrow pass, indeed, like a kleft of the present day, he was more certain of intercepting a traveller than in these more open hills. It is curious to remark, that the most ancient writer who mentions this famous beast, was content to state the extent of country which he infested; but that the later Greeks were not satisfied without identifying his dwelling. According to Apollodorus;, his cave had two entrances, one of which Hercules obstructed before he attacked the lion. Opposite to the caverns above-mentioned, there is an artificial excavation in the rock on

§ 3.330 the road side, a foot and a half or two feet square; it was probably a conduit to convey water to Cleonae. It is traceable at intervals for a considerable distance up the ascent. At 12, we halt for a few minutes on the summit of the ridge, from whence the whole range of Artemisium appears before us. We then turn a little to the right of the former direction, and descend into the plain of Nemea; entering which, at 12.30, there is a tjisme, or Turkish fountain, now without water, and near it a natural source, probably the Adrasteia. At the foot of the mountain, to the left of this spot, before we arrive at the temple of Jupiter, I find some vestiges of the Nemeian stadium. The circular end is the only part of which the form is well preserved; this made me suppose it at first a theatre; but the parallel sides of the stadium, although almost levelled by the continued effects of the rain-water from the mountain, are still perfectly traceable, and there is even a part of the wall remaining which supported the rectilinear extremity towards the plain: I measured 650 feet from this wall to the circular end; it is the usual extreme length of the Greek stadium, and would leave about 600 Greek feet between the aphesis and campter, or two extremities of the course. On my former visit to Nemea, we searched for the stadium nearly in the same situation without

§ 3.331 recognizing it, though it is so evident that my janissary Salih knew it immediately to be the same kind of monument which he had assisted me to measure at Sicyon and the Isthmus, and to which he had given the name of Karavi (ship). Between the stadium and the temple of Jupiter, on the left of the path, are some Hellenic foundations, and two fragments of Doric columns, two feet three inches in diameter. Near the temple are the ruins of a small church, which contains some Doric fragments of dimensions too small to have belonged to the temple. The three columns which Chandler found here are still standing, amidst a vast heap of ruins. Two of these columns belonged to the pronaos, and were placed as usual between antae; they are four feet seven inches in diameter at the base, and still support their architrave. The third column which belonged to the outer range is five feet three inches in diameter at the base, and about thirty-four feet high, including a capital of two feet. Its distance from the corresponding column of the pronaos is eighteen feet. The total height of the three members of the entablature was eight feet two inches. The general intercolumniation of the peristyle was seven feet; at the angles, five feet ten inches. From the front of the pronaos to the extremity of the cell within, the length was

§ 3.332 ninety-five feet; the breadth of the ceil within, thirty-one feet; the thickness of the walls, three feet. The temple was a hexastyle, of about sixty-five feet in breadth on the upper step of the stylobate which consisted of three steps: the number of columns on the sides, and consequently the length of the temple, I could not ascertain. The slenderness of the columns is particularly remarkable, after viewing those of Corinth; it is curious that the shortest and longest specimens, in proportion to their diameter, of any existing Doric columns, should be found so near to one another. The columns of Nemea are more than six diameters high, or as slender as some examples of the Ionic; those of Corinth, as we have seen, very little above four. The entablature of Nemea was less than one-fourth of the height of the column, whereas at Corinth it was about a half. The extant architrave of the temple of Nemea being so low, and the capitals of the columns proportionally small and narrow compared to the height of the shaft, the impression on many spectators will be, that the whole building was inelegant and meagre, compared to the Doric buildings of Attica, Aegina, and Phigaleia: but it would be

§ 3.333 unjust to come to this conclusion upon the view of a mere fragment. In every thing relating to architecture the ancients were much more learned than the moderns, and external effect was of course one of their most important studies. They considered particularly the circumstances of position; and proportions which might have secured approbation in the midst of a city, and surrounded by smaller buildings, might not have been thought suitable to a solitary edifice in a narrow valley, surrounded by hills like the βαθυπεδιος Νεμεα. These refinements of art we cannot well suppose to have been the accompaniment of a very early period, and they furnish an argument therefore against the remote antiquity of the temple of Nemea, though the Nemeian games, of which there were still some remains in the time of Pausanias, were extremely ancient; he tells us that they were established by Adrastus, and renewed by the Epigoni; and Apollodorus has given us the

§ 3.334 names of the victors, on the latter occasion, in all the eight kinds of contest. They were celebrated in the presence of Philip, son of Demetrius, in the years BC 217 and 208, and had not fallen into neglect in the beginning of the Roman empire. There is no information in history which can lead to any well grounded opinion as to the time when the temple of Jupiter, which undoubtedly existed here from an early period, was rebuilt in the form of which the ruins still exist; but I am inclined to ascribe it to the same half century, between the end of the Persian war and the beginning of the Peloponnesian, which gave rise to so many of the buildings of Attica, and during which Pindar conferred an honour, more lasting than the temple, on several of the victorious athletae of the Nemeian Games. The rebuilding of the great temple of Juno, near Mycenae, which was destroyed by fire in the ninth year of the Peloponnesian war, probably exhausted the means of the Argives, applicable to such works, for many years after that event. Nemea, like Olympia, the Isthmian Hierum, and several other similar establishments of smaller note in Greece, consisted only of an

§ 3.335 αλσος, or sacred grove, which contained the stadium, theatre, temple, and other monuments; there was a town near it called Bembina, the situation of which I cannot ascertain. The pear-tree mentioned by Chandler still grows within the ruins of the cell of the temple. The plain lies in a direction nearly north and south, and is from a half to three quarters of a mile in breadth and two or three miles long. Theocritus gives to Nemea the epithet of “well watered”. There are several rivulets from the surrounding mountains which collect, as at Cleonae, in the plain, flow northward through the ridges of Apesas, leaving the summit of that mountain to the right, and upon emerging from the hills cross the olive-grounds of Vokha to the sea. The river bore the same name as the sacred grove. The valley is inclosed on the side opposite to Mount Fuka, or the southwest, by another hill of nearly equal height, on the other side of which stands the town of St. George.

§ 3.336 At 2.15 we leave the temple and pursue a road, which turns off to the right of that leading to the Tretus. After having crossed the remaining part of the plain, the vineyards of Kutzomodhi are on the right; at 2.30 that village, which is half way up the mountain of St. George, is a mile and a half distant. Crossing a low rocky ridge we then descend into the southern end of the plain of St. George, below the monastery of “Panaghia on the precipice,” which is on the left under the precipice of an insulated rocky hill rising from that end of the plain. This monastery was visited by Chandler in 1766, who found there “a most transparent water, a picture of the Virgin which works miracles, and a Greek sepulchral inscription in the wall”. Having turned to the right we skirt the foot of the mountain of Ai Ghiorghi, and arrive at that place at 2.53. It is a kefalokhori of two makhalas, containing together 200 houses, which own half the land of the subjacent plain; Nuri Bey has the other half. He is said to possess 1000 zevgaria in the country anciently belonging to Corinth, Sicyon, Phlious, Stymphalus, and Pheneus. The plain of St. George produces corn and vines, and is watered by

§ 3.337 many rivulets flowing from the surrounding mountains, which unite in the plain. The road from St. George to Argos ascends the most considerable of these torrents, entering its narrow valley just under the monastery of the Panaghia, which is to the left of the torrent. The direct road to Tripolitza, after crossing the plain, passes along the foot of a rocky height, a prolongation of that of the Panaghia, and then passes by Liondi over the Artemisium to Tzipiana. But this, in many parts, is little better than a mountain path, and the usual communication is by Argos. St. George is said to be more healthy and to enjoy a better climate and temperature than either Argos or Corinth. When the north or north-west winds are strong in the Corinthiac Gulf it is hot at Argos, and the diurnal sea breeze often blows strongly in the Argolic Gulf when there is none at Corinth — in both cases it is, according to the St. Georgians, cool with them. Every part of the Argolic plain is considered unhealthy in summer, and the heat is excessive; that of the ravine of the Tretus, in the mid-day hours, is said to be something beyond bearing, which I can easily conceive, having passed through it in August, at an hour

§ 3.338 of the morning when the heat was comparatively moderate. Not long since, a Tartar, after having drunk plentifully of wine and raki at Corinth, was found to be dead when the suriji held his stirrup to dismount at the khan of Kharvati ( Mycenae ), just beyond the exit of the Tretus. In fact, there seems no reason why a dead Tartar might not travel a whole stage as well as a sleeping one, which often happens. The chief subject of conversation among the politicians of St. George, is an act of justice lately performed by the Pasha upon the Boluk-Bashi who commanded the police guard of Tripolitza, and who had been recently employed by the Pasha against the thieves. Instead of performing his duty he plundered the villages, cut off the heads of some of the peasants, presented them to the Vezir as the heads of robbers, and received a reward for them. The Pasha having discovered his crimes, issued an order for his head, and gave the commission to the Dehli-Bashi who commands the Pasha's body-guard. The Boluk-Bashi being a true Albanian, brave and artful, the Dehli thought it safest to employ treachery, which indeed is the ordinary mode of operating in such cases among the Turks. Ho invited the Albanian to dinner, and while the latter was smoking his pipe and the servants were preparing the table, he drew out, in order that everything should be done in form, first, the buyurdi, or written order, secondly, a pistol to shoot his guest, and thirdly, a hanjar to cut off his head, with which he proceeded forthwith to the Serai and laid it at the Pasha's feet. It is admitted that the affair was well and technically done.

§ 3.339 April 25. — As it is evident that the valley, which extends for four or five miles to the southward and westward of St. George, is the ancient Phliasia, I endeavoured to discover from some of the natives who visited me yesterday evening, the site of Phlious itself, and soon learnt that at Polyfengo, only half an hour to the northward, there are many remains of ancient buildings. The learned indeed, and among them the διδασκαλος himself denied that there were any Hellenic vestiges among those remains, but having often witnessed the ignorance of the Greeks as to places situated close to their own doors, I proceed this morning to Polyfengo. Quitting St. George at 6.30, and skirting the foot of the hill on which the village stands, I cross, at 6.53, a small brook which joins the Asopus in the plain. It borders the site of Phlious to the south-east. At 7 I arrive on the summit of the acropolis, which occupied a projecting height, the last root of the mountain of St. George: the walls of the citadel are traceable in many places, but particularly across the neck of the hill in its highest part; on the summit there are several remains of foundations, but none that can positively be ascribed to the Temple of Hebe. The town appears to have covered the southern side of this hill, and below it to have occupied all the angle bounded by the river Asopus, and the brook already mentioned. The wall is traceable on the south-eastern descent from the acropolis to the brook, and for a short distance along its bank. On the. southwest it seems not to have inclosed so much of the plain; for after its descent from the hill it is traced for a short distance only along the foot and then crosses to the Asopus. Pausanias says, that “the temple dedicated to Hebe, more anciently called Ganymeda, who was daughter of Juno, sister of Mars, and winepourer to the gods, stood in a cypress grove in the acropolis of Phlious; it was of great antiquity and enjoyed a right of asylum; the chains of liberated prisoners were hung upon the trees of the grove; there was no statue. To the left of the temple of Hebe, on going out of it, was a temple of Juno with a statue of Parian marble. There was also in the acropolis a sacred inclosure of Ceres containing a temple and statues of Ceres and Proserpine, and an ancient brazen image of Diana. On the right, in descending from the citadel, stood the temple of Aesculapius, having a beardless statue of the god; and below it the theatre, near which there was a temple of Ceres, containing ancient seated statues of the goddess and her daughter. In the agora there was a brazen goat for the most part gilded; it had been erected as a propitiation of the star called the Goat, the rising of which was supposed to injure the vines. The agora contained also the monument of Aristias, son of Pratinas, which two persons excelled all, except Aeschylus, in writing satyrs. Behind the agora was a house named the Prophetic because Amphiaraus was said to have there first prophesied. Not far from it was the Omphalus, so called [according to the Phliasii] as being the middle of Peloponnesus. On proceeding from thence there occurred an ancient temple of Bacchus and temples of Apollo and of Isis; in the two former the statue was exposed

§ 3.342 to the public view; in that of Isis it was seen by the priests only. Near the temple of Apollo stood a building sacred to the memory of Cyathus, wine-pourer of Oeneus, who was slain by a blow of the finger of Hercules; it contained a statue of Cyathus offering a cup to Hercules.” The name Polyfengo is now attached to a tjiftlik surrounded with large poplars, in the plain below the hill of the acropolis, and within the inclosure of the ancient town. Around this spot there are many remains of antiquity, particularly some foundations of very finished and regular masonry at the foot of a rock which here terminates the hill. There is another foundation below it 200 feet long, and about two thirds as much in breadth. Ancient squared blocks appear in many parts of this ruin,, but they are mixed or covered with heaps of rubble and small stones, which seem to verify the supposition of the people of Ai Ghiorghi, that here stood the Episcopal church of Polyfengo, formerly one of the bishoprics of the province of Corinth, but which, like all the other suffragans of that metropolis, no longer exists. There are some other similar foundations of smaller buildings near it. The church, like many others in

§ 3.343 Greece, was probably an ancient temple, which had been converted into a church on the establishment of Christianity, and had been repaired with masonry of later times. It would be difficult to conjecture upon which of the temples of the lower town of Phlious the church was built, unless some remains of the theatre could be discovered. A little below the place where I crossed the brook in approaching the hill of the acropolis, there are some foundations which seem to have belonged to a bridge. In the plain immediately below St. George there is a shapeless mass of brick ruin. The principal sources of the Asopus are at the foot of Mount Gavria, where I perceive a grove of poplars and other trees. Gavria is a picturesque, rugged, woody mountain of a considerable height, interposed between the Phliasian valley and the much higher summits of Ghymnovuni and Zyria, which appear above Gavria. There are some other sources of the river a little farther south, at Botzika, a small village under the same mountain. Strabo, in reference to the line in the Catalogue of Homer, Ορνειας τ' ενεμοντο Αραιθυρεην τ' ερατεινην, remarks, that Araethyrea was the Phliasia of his day: that anciently there was a town of the same name situated at Mount Celosse; but that, in process of time, the inhabitants, removing from thence to a distance of thirty stades, built a new city, which they called Phlious. He adds, that the source of the Asopus was at a part of Mount Celosse called Carneates, that the river flowed through Sicyonia, and gave the name of Asopia to a part of that district; that Phlious was surrounded by Sicyonia, Argeia, and the districts of Cleonae and Stymphalus; and that both in Phlious and in Sicyon there was a temple of Dia, which was the name there given to Hebe. Apollonius Rhodius describes the town of Araethyrea as being at the sources of the Asopus, thus agreeing exactly with Strabo. According to the traditions of the Phliasii, as reported to Pausanias, both the district and chief town had a third and more ancient name, Arantia, derived from Aras, a native who founded a city on a hill near the citadel of Phlious, called Arantinus, where Pausanias saw the monuments of Aoris and Araethyrea, the children of Aras. Asopus was said to be the son of Neptune and Ceglusa (the same name,

§ 3.345 I apprehend, as the Celosse of Strabo). Phlious was supposed to have been an Argive, and one of the Argonauts, whose name, as it would appear from Homer, was not given to the places until after the return of the Heracleidae, when the city was removed from the position at the foot of Mount Celosse, nearly to its original site of Arantia. The distance of thirty stades from Phlious to the site of Araethyrea agrees very well with that of Polyfengo from the northernmost sources of the river under Mount Gavria. These springs, therefore, seem to mark the site of Araethyrea. Gavria is a Hellenic name; possibly a small place called Gaurium may have succeeded to the fine position of Araethyrea after the removal of the capital of Phliasia, and may have given the name of Gaurias to the mountain. Botzika, in like manner, may perhaps occupy the site of an ancient place called Carnea, situated at the more distant sources of the river, and from which, in the time of-Strabo, the adjacent part of the mountain may have been called Carneates. Celeae was five stades distant from Phlious. Here the Phliasii celebrated, every fourth year, the mysteries of Ceres. There was a building called the Anactorium, and sepulchres of Aras and Dysaules; the latter was brother of Celeus of Eleusis, and introduced the mysteries into Phliasia. Foundations of a Hellenic building, indicative of the site, are still to be seen on the left bank of the Asopus, at about half a mile from Polyfengo. The mountain which rises immediately eastward from the town of St. George is the ancient Tricaranum, as appears from Xenophon, in his narrative of the proceedings of the Phliasii when mindful of the alliance which they had formed with Sparta in her prosperity, they still firmly adhered to her cause after the disaster at Leuctra, notwithstanding the distress to which they were themselves reduced in consequence of that adherence by the hostile incursions of their neighbours of Argos and Sicyon, the former of whom occupied and fortified Tricaranum near Phlious, the latter Thyamia, on the Sicyonian frontier. Four years after the battle of Leuctra, (BC. 367) when the Lacedaemonians and their confederates were posted in the passes of the Oneia, from whence they were soon afterwards driven by Epaminondas, a body of Argives, Arcadians, and others passing through Nemea

§ 3.347 on their way to the Isthmus to assist the operation of the Thebans, were met by some exiles from Phlious, who assuring them that they might take Phlious by merely appearing before it, persuaded them to make the attempt. The same night the exiles, provided with ladders, and accompanied by 600 of the allies, concealed themselves under the walls of Phlious. In the morning,' when the city was thrown into confusion by a signal that the enemy was approaching from Tricaranum, the exiles took that opportunity to scale the walls of the citadel, but they were repulsed in attempting to make their way from the Aero polls into the city, and were at length obliged to take refuge in the towers of the citadel Meantime the Arcadians and Argives were still less successful, having either failed in making a breach or having been overthrown in their efforts to scale the wall. The Phliasii then, by setting, fire to some of the towers which were occupied by the exiles and partly by the sword, succeeded in forcing the latter to save themselves by leaping from the ramparts. As soon as the citadel was cleared, the Phliasian horsemen made a sally and forced the allies to a precipitate retreat with the loss of eighty men. In the following year the Theban commander at Sicyon, with his own garrison united to the Sicyonii, Pellenenses, and 2000 mercenaries under Euphron, tyrant of Sicyon, marched from thence against Phlious, and descended through the Tricaranum to the Heraeum, which stood at the foot of that mountain, in order to lay waste the plain of Phlious. The Sicyonii and Pellenenses were left in the rear, in that part of the heights which was near the Corinthian gate of the city, in order to prevent the Phliasii from marching along the heights and thus obtaining possession of the high ground above the Heraeum. As soon as the Phliasii perceived the enemy's intention of descending into the plain, they sent forward their horsemen with a chosen body of infantry to prevent them. An interchange of missiles ensued which lasted the greater part of the day. The mercenaries of Euphron forced the Phliasii to retreat as far as the ground which was favourable to the cavalry, and were then driven in return by the Phliasii as far as the Heraeum. The confederates finding, at length, that they gained nothing, and that they could not join the Pellenenses and Sicyonii, who were near the Corinthian gate, by a direct movement, on account of a ravine in front of the city walls, took a

§ 3.349 circuitous route towards them through Tricaranum, which gave the Phliasii the opportunity of making a separate attack upon their opponents near the gate. These at first steadily resisted the attack, but as soon as the Phliasii brought up their infantry, they were defeated with the loss of many of the best men of Pellene, together with some Sicyonii. The Phliasii erected a trophy and sang the paean, and the enemy, after having staid to witness the ceremony, returned to Sicyon. It seems evident, from these transactions, that Tricaranum was the name of the mountain of St. George, and that the fortified post of the Argives was on the summit of the mountain. The Heraeum alluded to by Xenophon, in relating the later transaction, appears to have stood upon one of the lower eminences of the mountain, perhaps in the position of the northern makhala of St. George. It is hardly necessary to add, that this Heraeum is not to be confounded with the temple of Juno in the acropolis of Phlious, described by Pausanias, and

§ 3.350 which is alluded to also by Xenophon, in his narrative of the former attempt made upon Phlious by the exiles, where he says that one of the guards of the towers, as he fled towards the Heraeum, was slain by those who scaled the towers I have already had occasion to speak of a place in the Phliasia called Dioscurium, at which Philip encamped the night before his defeat of Euripidas at Apelaurum. As Phlious lay to the right of the road which led from the Isthmus to Stymphalus through Dioscurium, this place would seem to have been not far from the modern St. George, in the plain below it. Orneae seems to have been situated very near the southern side of the plain of Ai Ghiorghi. Strabo says that it stood above the Sicyonian plain, upon a river of the same name which river he seems, in another passage, to represent as joining the sea between Corinth and Sicyon. As there are only three streams collected in the interior valleys above the Sicyonia, which join the sea between Corinth and Sicyon, namely, those of Cleonae, Nemea, and Phlious, or the Asopus, we cannot but infer, if the description of Strabo is correct, that the Asopus was

§ 3.351 sometimes called Orneae; or rather that specifically the river Orneae was the south-eastern branch, and that the city Orneae stood upon that branch. Such a situation will perfectly correspond with the data of Pausanias namely, that Orneae was situated 120 stades from Argos, on the confines of Phliasia; for, as Phlious is not more than thirteen geographic miles in direct distance from Argos, Orneae could not have been more than three or four geographic miles direct from Phlious: and that it lay nearly in a line from Argos to Phlious seems evident, as well from these distances, as from the situation of Alea, and the Stymphalia to the westward of the line, and that of Tretus, Nemea, and Cleonae to the eastward; thus confining the Orneatas to the line I have mentioned, in which, at the distance of five or six miles from Phlious, it is probable that some remains of Orneae will be found. Strabo tells us, that there was a temple of Priapus at Orneas, and that he was thence often known by the name of the god of Orneae. After having viewed the little that is interesting at Polyfengo, I proceed on my way to Sicyon. The following are the remarks of Pausanias, upon the places which lay between Sicyon and Phlious.

§ 3.352 “On the direct road”, he'says, “from Sicyon to Phlious, there is a turning to the left, which leads, at the end of ten stades, to Pyraea, a grove, containing a sanctuary of Ceres Prostasia and Proserpine; here men celebrate a festival separately from women, who have a building called the Nymphon for that purpose: in the latter are. statues of Bacchus, Ceres, and Proserpine, of which the faces only are apparent. The road from Sicyon to Titane, which is sixty stades in length, is impracticable to carriages, on account of its narrowness. At the end of about twenty stades there is a turning to the left, which leads, after passing the Asopus, to a grove of holly-oaks containing a temple of the goddesses who are called Semnae by the Athenians, and Eumenides by the Sicyonii; there is also an altar of the Fates in the open air. After having recrossed the Asopus, and returned into the road, you proceed to the summit of a mountain. Here it was, that Titan, brother of the Sun, is said to have inhabited, and to have given to the place the name Titane.”

§ 3.553 Phliasia borders upon Sicyonia; the city Phlious is about forty stades distant from Titane, but there is also a direct road from Phlious to Sicyon.” It appears, therefore, that the circuitous road from Sicyon to Phlious, by the way of Titane which was 100 stades in length, lay to the right of the direct road; that the former was to the left of the Asopus, and the latter to its right; and that, between the two, before the road to Titane began to ascend the mountain, there was a temple of the Eumenides, situated on the right bank of the river, and distant between two and three miles from Sicyon. At ten minutes beyond Polyfengo, I leave, on the opposite or left bank of the Asopus the ancient foundations and blocks of stone already alluded to, which mark the site of Celeae. There seems to have been only a single building. Half a mile farther, the valley of the Asopus becomes narrow, and is covered with fields of kalambokki. The road passes occasionally along the roots of the steep mountains which border it on either side, and which are thickly covered with bushes; at intervals there are some small meadows, prettily situated amidst oaks mixed with shrubs and a few patches of ploughed land. As we proceed, the road becomes narrower, and at length in many places no path appears, the

§ 3.354 river having undermined the bank, and carried away the road. The high mountain on the left is cultivated in many parts, and on its slope are seen the villages of Liopesi and Paradhisi, the latter northward of the former. On the summit of the hill above Liopesi, there are said to be some ancient foundations, which seem to indicate the position of the temple of Aesculapius at Titane. I cannot learn that any remains of columns are to be seen there; but those of a small Hellenic castle are described to me, southward of Liopesi, the distance of which from Polyfengo will, I think, answer better than that of the summit of the mountain, to the forty stades which Pausanias states to have been the distance between Titane, and Phlious. The castle may perhaps have been a dependent fortress of the Sicyonia, of the same name as the Hierum, which, it seems from Pausanias, stood on the summit of the hill. As we advance, the road becomes still worse, and we should probably have spent the whole day in getting out of the valley, had it not been for a peasant, whom we fortunately meet, who conducts us into the route which leads front; Vasilika to Mazi and Liopesi. We fall into this track near the place where it ascends that mountain, which rises from the left bank of the ASopus, and consequently near the spot where

§ 3.355 the ancient route to Titane quitted the valley. We follow this road along the left bank of the river, until the valley begins to widen, nearly at the distance from Sicyon at which Pausanias places the grove of the Eumenides, on the right bank of the river. Perhaps some remains of the temple might be found by a careful examination. As the valley becomes wider, the cultivation increases. This seems to have been the best part of that subdivision of the Sicyonia which was called Asopia. Having crossed the Asopus we follow the valley to its right, until we enter the maritime plain on the eastern side of the hill of Sicyon, and there probably fall into the direct route from Sicyon to Phlious, which seems not to have followed the right bank of the Asopus so closely as the road to Titane followed the left, since Pausanias describes the temple of the Eumenides as lying to the left of the latter, instead of to the right of the former, although this was the principal route. To the right of the place where we enter the plain of Sicyon from the valley, at about a mile's distance, was the position which Pausanias describes as that of the sanctuary of Ceres Prostasia, and the Nymphon, but I cannot hear of any remains in that direction.

§ 3.356 The river Asopus has totally altered its appearance in its passage through the mountains, and, instead of the clear tranquil stream of the plain of St. George, has become rapid, white, and turbid. The numerous torrents which descend into it from the mountains, in its passage through them, have caused this change of colour; the white argillaceous soil of the maritime Achaea extending also through the Sicyonia and Corinthia. The river joins the sea a little eastward of a round height in the plain, which has much the appearance of being artificial. We ascend the hill of Vasilika at a spot where are some remains of the Hellenic wall which once entirely surrounded it. Immediately within the wall are several churches, built of ancient blocks, mixed With fragments of columns, and other similar remains. These churches seem to indicate that Sicyon continued to exist long after the establishment of Christianity, which is not at all improbable, as new Sicyon, according to the division of the Byzantine empire by Constantine, was one of the cities of the proconsular province of Hellas or Achaea. We left Polyfengo at 8.05, and arrived at Vasilika at 12.45; though our road was in a valley, and not very winding, the rate was below the average, on account of the impediments. Vasilika is now

§ 3.357 inhabited by Albanians, and has been much increased by a settlement of that nation since Wheler's time, when there were only six families: there are now at least fifty inhabited houses. The lands which they cultivate belong to Nuri Bey. Like all the Christian peasantry of Albanian race, they are an industrious, quiet, hospitable people, but extremely ignorant. The sketch of Sicyon at the end of this volume will convey some idea of the site and remaining monuments of the city, and will help to illustrate the description of it by Pausanias. He conducts his reader to Sicyon from Corinth. Not far from the walls of Corinth, on the left of the road, he noticed the ruins of a temple said to have been dedicated to Apollo, and to have been burnt by Pyrrhus, son of Achilles. The river Nemea was the boundary of the two districts. In entering the Sicyonia the first remarkable object was a barrow; it was the monument of Lycus the Messenian. This, however, was not the mode in which the Sicyonii usually constructed their sepulchres, but the following: having buried the body in the earth, they built a substruction, and upon this raised columns, which supported a covering resembling the roof of a temple. They placed no other inscription

§ 3.358 than the name of the deceased, without that of his father, and they bad him farewell. After having passed the Asopus the Olympium was on the right; a little farther, on the left of the road, was the tomb of Eupolis of Athens, the writer of comedies. Beyond it, on turning towards the city, occurred the monument of Xenodice, who died in child-birth: this was not formed according to the local fashion, but so as to receive a picture, of which Pausanias speaks in strong terms of commendation. Farther on was the tomb of the Sicyonii who fell at Pellene, Dyme, Megalopolis, and Sellasia. At the gate of the city there was a fountain in a cavern; it was called Stazusa, because it flowed from the roof of the cavern. [sketch]

§ 3.359 In the acropolis were temples of Fortune Acraea, and of the Dioscuri; all the three statues were of wood. The theatre was below the acropolis; in the scene stood the statue of a man with a shield, said to have been that of Aratus, son of Cleinias. Near the theatre was the temple of Bacchus, containing an image of the god in ivory and gold, and statues of the Bacchae in white marble. In a place called the Cosmeterium were kept two statues of Bacchus, with the epithets Baccheius and Lysius. In the way from the Dionysium to the agora the temple of Diana Limnaea was on the right. It had neither roof nor statue. At the entrance of the agora was the temple of Peitho, also without a statue. The temple of Apollo in the agora was originally founded by Proetus; that which existed in the time of Pausanias had been erected, as well as the statue, by Pythocles, in the place of a temple which had been destroyed by fire. An inclosure near the temple of Peitho, which in the time of Pausanias was consecrated

§ 3.330 to the Roman emperors, bad been formerly the house of the tyrant Cleon. Before this house stood the Arateium, or heroic monument of Aratus, and near the latter an altar of Neptune Isthmius, and statues of Jupiter Meilichius and of Diana Patroa, the former resembling a pyramid, the latter a column. Here also were the council-house, and a stoa called Cleistheneius, from Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, who built it from the spoils of Cirrha, when he reduced that place in conjunction with the Amphictyones and Solon the Athenian. The agora contained also, in the open air, a brazen Jupiter, the work of Lysippus, by which stood a gilded Diana. Near them were the ruins of the temple of Apollo Lyceius, so called because the god was said to have furnished the Sicyonii with a certain bark of a tree with which they poisoned the wolves. The wood was kept in the sanctuary of Apollo Lyceius, but not even the sacred interpreters of Sicyon could inform Pausanias of what kind it was. Near the Lyceium were statues said to have been those of the daughters of Proetus, although inscribed with the names of other women; also a Hercules by Lysippus of Sicyon, and a Mercury Agoraeus. All these were in brass. In the

§ 3.361 gymnasium, which was near the agora, stood a Hercules in stone, by Scopas. The temple of Hercules was in a different situation, in the middle of an inclosure called Paedize; the temple contained an ancient statue in wood, the work of Laphaes of Phlious. From hence a street led to the Asclepieium, or sanctuary of Aesculapius, Within the inclosure, on the left, stood a building with two apartments: in the outer there was an image of Sleep, of which the head only remained; the inner apartment was sacred to Apollo Carneius, whose priests only had the privilege of entering it. In the portico of this building were statues of Dream and of Sleep; the latter surnamed Epidotes, was represented as causing a lion to sleep: in the same stoa lay a large whalebone. On the other side of the entrance into the Asclepieium (i.e. to the right) there was a Pan seated and an upright statue of Diana: the statue of the god within the temple was chryselephantine, and the work of Calamis. It was beardless, held a sceptre in one hand,

§ 3.362 and in the other the fruit of the cultivated pinetree. There were some small statues suspended from the roof, one of these, [standing] upon a serpent, was said to represent Aristodama, mother of Aratus. There was a passage through the Asclepieium into the sanctuary of Venus, in which the first object was a statue of Antiope. The only persons allowed to enter the temple were the female keeper, who was forbidden to have converse with men, and the Lutrophorus, a virgin priestess holding an annual office. Other persons might behold the goddess from the door, and from thence address their prayers to her. The statue of Venus was seated and was made by Canachus of Sicyon, the same artist who wrought the Apollo of the Milesii at Didyma, and the Apollo Ismenius at Thebes. It was made of gold and ivory, bore a globe on the head, in one hand a poppy and in the other an apple. The thighs of victims were offered to the goddess, but not those of hogs.

§ 3.363 In ascending from the Aphrodisium to the gymnasium, the temple of Diana Pheraea was situated on the right; the statue was of wood, and was said to have been brought from Pherae. This gymnasium, which, in the time of Pausanias, was still used for the exercise of youth, had been built by Cleinias. It contained a Diana of white marble, wrought only as far as the loins, and a Hercules resembling a quadrangular Hermes. In turning from thence towards the gate called the Sacred, there was a temple of Minerva not far from the gate, and an altar of the same goddess, formerly belonging to a temple founded by Epopeus, which had excelled all those of its time in magnitude and ornament, but had been burnt by lightning. Before the altar of Epopeus was the tumulus of the same ancient king of Sicyon, together with statues of the gods called Apotropaei, (Averters of Evil). Of two adjacent temples, that sacred to Diana and Apollo was said to have been built by Epopeus, the temple of Juno by Adrastus, who erected behind the temple an altar to Pan, and another, of white marble, to the Sun. In neither of these temples was there any statue remaining. Near the Heraeum, founded by Adrastus, stood the columns of a temple of

§ 3.364 Apollo Carneius, of which the walls and roof were wanting: in the same state also was the temple of Juno Prodomia, founded by Phalces, son of Temenus. In descending from the Heraeum, in the direction of the plain, occurred a temple of Ceres, said to have been founded by Plemnaeus, in gratitude to the goddess for having brought up his son Orthopolis. The position which marked Sicyon for a city of importance in the earliest ages of Grecian history, although very unlike that of Corinth, is scarcely less singular. It is a table-height of no great elevation, of a shape irregularly triangular, upwards of three miles in circumference, and two miles distant from the sea. The tabular summit is defended on every side by a natural wall of precipices, admitting only of one or two narrow passages of ascent into it from the lower plain. A river flows at the foot of the height on either side. That on the eastern side was the Asopusf the name of the western stream, which is much smaller, is not so certain, but was probably Helisson. The modern village, called Vasilika, stands near the northern edge of the hill, above a natural ascent through the cliffs. It appears from several authorities, that

§ 3.365 when Sicyon was in the meridian of its power, the tabular height of Vasilika was the acropolis, that the walls extended to the sea, and that they included a maritime quarter at the harbour. It must then have been at least eight miles in circumference, a surprising extent,, when it is considered that there was a still larger city at the distance only of a few miles, and that the Sicyonia, with the exception of the maritime plain, is by no means fertile, all the remaining part towards the borders of Phlious and Pellene consisting of mountains or of uneven rocky ground, which admits only of a partial cultivation. But the hill of Sicyon, by its strength, its level summit, its abundant water, and its distance from the sea, at once safe and convenient, was among the choicest positions which Greece affords for the capital of one of the small commercial states, into which the hand of nature has divided this country. Like the other secondary cities of Greece, Sicyon declined after Athens and Sparta had risen to the height of their power. At the end of the fourth century before the Christian aera, it seems to have already declined from its ancient magnitude and population; so that the maritime city was disjoined from the citadel.

§ 3.366 Diodorus relates, that in the expedition of Demetrius, son of Antigonus, against several places held by the forces of Cassander and Ptolemy, in the northern part of the Peloponnesus, in the year BC 303, Demetrius surprised Sicyon in the night, and having entered the walls, occupied the space which lay between the habitations of the lower town and the citadel. Before the Poliorcetes had prepared his engines for the siege of the acropolis, Philip, the officer of Ptolemy, capitulated on condition that the garrison should be transported into Egypt: after which Demetrius destroyed the city adjacent to the harbour, built new dwellings for the Sicyonii in the acropolis instituted sacrifices and festivals, and received divine honours from the people as the founder of the new city Demetrias. “Time, adds Diodorus, has abolished these innovations, but the Sicyonii still continue to occupy the site of the ancient acropolis, a situation, very preferable to that of the former city; the inclosed space being an extensive plain, surrounded on every side by precipices, so difficult of access that it would not be possible to attack the walls with machines. Having an abundance of water, they cultivate fertile gardens, and thus the sagacity of the king at once provided them with pleasure in peace, and protection in war.”

§ 3.367 Strabo, who wrote about the same time as Diodorus, describes Sicyon as “occupying a strong hill distant twenty stades from the shore, whither Demetrius had removed the inhabitants from the position of the ancient city, which thenceforth served for the maritime quarter and port.” Pausanias, in like manner, represents the lower situation to have been that of the city before the time of Demetrius, and the hill to have been the acropolis; but it is difficult to coincide with him in the belief that the maritime position was that of the earliest settlement of Sicyon, The strength of the hill of Vasilika, and its secure distance from the sea, are attributes similar to those of the other chief cities of Greece, and such as generally determined the choice of the original founders. Here, therefore, it is natural to believe that the first establishment was made. In a more advanced state of society, when the suppression

§ 3.368 of piracy admitted of commerce by sea, a maritime quarter quickly arose, and as Sicyon was one of the first cities of Greece which attained to opulence and civilization, we may suppose that both portions were united within a common inclosure, at a remote period of time. Indeed, Pausanias himself, at the same time that he respects the local traditions as to Aegialeus, confirms the antiquity of the occupation of the hill of Vasilika, by describing all the most ancient monuments of the Sicyonii as standing upon it. In the time of the Greek traveller Sicyon was in a most ruinous state, as his description shews. It had particularly suffered from an earthquake in the reign of Antoninus Pius, which had extended its ravages even into Asia. The remains of the ancient walls of Sicyon are still to be seen in many parts of the circumference of the hill of Vasilika, on the edge of the surrounding cliffs. The hill is divided into an upper and a lower level by a bank, or low ledge of rocks, stretching quite across it, and forming an abrupt separation between the two levels. The upper level, which is at the apex, or southern part of the triangle, occupies about a third part of the whole. In the side of the bank, near the western cliffs, are the remains of

§ 3.369 a stadium and a theatre, in the construction of which, advantage has as usual been taken of the sudden fall of the ground. Not far below these monuments, on the lower level near the centre of the Demetrian site, are the remains of a Roman building with several chambers; there are also some traces of the street which led from this quarter to the theatre. Other foundations are found to the east of the theatre, and near the cliff, on the south-eastern side of the upper level, some extensive foundations of Hellenic buildings. Just below the proscenium of the theatre I found the basis of a column, together with that of one of the antae, of a small temple: the column was two feet seven inches and a half in diameter. The total diameter of the theatre was about 400 feet, that of the orchestra 100: the foundations of the proscenium are seventy-five feet in length, and are cut out of the solid rock. The seats of the theatre, some of which are still seen near either extremity, were formed in the same manner. There appear to have been about forty rows in three divisions, separated by two diazomata. Each wing was supported by a mass of masonry penetrated by a vomitory or arched passage, the walls and vault of which are formed of quadrangular stones, put together without any cement apparent on the exterior surface.

§ 3.370 The stadium resembles that of Messene, in having had seats which were not continued through the whole length of the sides About eighty feet of the rectilinear extremity had no seats, and this part, instead of being excavated out of the hill like the rest, is formed of factitious ground, supported at the end by a wall of polygonal masonry, which still exists. The total length, including the seats at the circular end, is about 680 feet, which, deducting the radius of the semicircle, seems hardly to leave a length of 600 Greek feet for the line between the two metae. It is very possible, however, that an excavation would correct this idea; for it is difficult to believe that there was any difference in the length of the line of the δρομο, or course, in the several stadia of Greece, however dissimilar the stadia may have otherwise been in magnitude, or in their capacity for containing spectators. If the length of the course had ever varied, it must, I think, have been alluded to in some of the ancient authors. The theatre and stadium, the small temple below the theatre, the Roman building, and the street leading from the latter to the theatre, are all so strongly illustrative of the description of Pausanias, that it can hardly be doubted that the upper level of the tabular hill was the acropolis of the Sicyon of his time; that the then

§ 3.371 agora was in the central situation, where now stands the Roman ruin; and that the theatre and stadium are those which he describes. The inference will be, that the foundations of the small temple are those of the Dionysium. The Roman building was probably the praetorium, or criterium, of the Roman governor, during the period between the destruction of Corinth by Mummius, and its restoration by Julius Caesar, when the greater part of the Corinthia was attached to Sicyon, and this place was the capital of the surrounding country. In regard to the date of the theatre and stadium, there is some difficulty in forming an opinion. It is natural to presume, from their position near the new agora, that they were constructed in the time of Demetrius; on the other hand, the words of Pindar already cited favour the belief, that the agonistic celebration, to which they were subservient, took place at the sanctuary of Apollo, which in all ages was on the κορνφη, or hill of Vasilika; and consequently, that the stadium and theatre of Sicyon were always in the position in which we find the ruins of those two monuments. It is very possible, nevertheless, that the greater part of the existing remains are repairs of the time of Demetrius..

§ 3.372 The description of Pausanias appears to indicate, that there were three gates to the Sicyon of his time: 1. that of Corinth; 2. the Sacred Gate, leading down on the northern side into the plain and to the maritime quarter of Sicyon; 3. a gate in the south-eastern cliff, which led by the valley of the Asopus to Phlious. There seems little doubt, that the remarkable opening in the rocks adjacent to Vasilika is the position of the Sacred Gate, and, consequently, that the Athenaeum and Heraeum, two of the most ancient buildings of the Sicyonii, stood upon the site of the modern village. At the opening in the rocks near Vasilika there is now a fine fountain; but I searched in vain for that which was called Stazusa, because it distilled from the roof of a cavern: it would fix the position of the gate by which Pausanias enters the city from Corinth. The gate of Phlious, it is natural to presume, was nearly in the position where I ascended through the cliffs, coming from the site of Phlious. The military importance of Sicyon, when its fortifications extended from the hill of Vasilika to the sea-shore, was inferior only to that of Corinth. It closed the maritime plain on the west, as Corinth did on the east; and in like manner as the Acro-Corinth commanded the entrance of the two narrow valleys of Tenea and Cleonae,

§ 3.373 which on either side of that mountain are the natural gates of access towards the Argolis, so Sicyon occupied the entrance of the longer and more difficult ravine of the Asopus. The river Nemea forms a third opening of the same kind through the gorges of Mount Apesas. And thus it appears, that the same construction of Achaea, so remarkable in sailing along the coast of that province, is continued through the Sicyonia and Corinthia; that the Achaean chain, which begins at Patrae, is prolonged as far as Cenchreiae, on the shore of the Saronic Gulf; and that in every part the rivers reach the maritime level through narrow glens, which are the natural communications with the interior country. With the exception, however, of the summits Apesas and Acro-Corinth, the northern range of the Peloponnesian mountains is of a less lofty character at the eastern end than in any other part. It may be inferred from Xenophon that a fortress called Epieicia formed the subsidiary protection of the Sicyonian plain, at the entrance of the valley of the river Nemea. Previously to the great battle fought on the banks of this stream, in the summer of the year BC 394, the Lacedaemonians and their allies were at

§ 3.374 Sicyon, their opponents, consisting of Athenians, Argives, Corinthians, and Boeotians, at Nemea. As the Lacedaemonians were advancing along the plain towards Corinth, they were met by the adverse army near Epieicia, and having suffered from the missiles of the light troops directed from the heights against their right or unprotected side, they declined to their left towards the sea. The enemy then encamped behind the torrent upon which the Lacedaemonians followed their example at the distance of a stade from them, in the midst of the plantations which covered the plain, The Lacedaemonian army consisted of 18,500 hoplitae, against 24,000, with a similar disproportion in cavalry and light troops; but, notwithstanding this disadvantage, and that their allies were everywhere beaten and slain in great numbers, the Spartans gained the victory, with the loss of only eight men. In the following year Praxitas, after having broken down the Long Walls of Corinth, and occupied Sidus and Crommyon beyond the Isthmus, fortified and placed a garrison in Epieicia

§ 3.375 for the purpose of covering the position of his allies in the Sicyonia before he departed for Sparta. This fact again supports the conjecture of Epieicia having been on the Nemea, as that river formed the boundary of the Sicyonia towards Corinth. Thyamia, as I have already remarked, was a post which the Sicyonii occupied and fortified when they were at war with the Phliasii, in consequence of the adherence of the latter to the cause of the Lacedaemonians after the battle of Leuctra. It belonged probably to the Phliasia, but, like Tricaranum, had fallen into the hands of the enemy. The Sicyonii were engaged in fortifying the place, when the Phliasii undertook, with the assistance of a body of mercenaries under the Athenian Chares, to dislodge them. While the horsemen of Phlious advanced trotting and sometimes galloping, the hoplitae followed them running, and were at no great distance in the rear. They arrived at Thyamia a little before sunset, and so completely surprised their adversaries, that the latter had only time to escape, leaving even the provisions which had been prepared for their supper. The Phliasii having, with the assistance of the Corinthians, completed the fortifications of

§ 3.376 Thyamia, retained the place until the end of the war. It is evident, from these circumstances, that Thyamia was towards the frontiers of Phlious and Sicyon. It would seem also, that the interval between Phlious and Thyamia was plain, and that the distance was not very great; it is probable, therefore, that it stood in the narrowest part of the valley of the Asopus, perhaps about four miles from Polyfengo, on the road to Vasilika. On the descent of the ridge of Mount Titane, leading from the valley of Kesari to Sicyon, I remarked some Hellenic remains, belonging apparently to a dependent fortress of the Sicyonia, which commanded the road from Sicyon to Stymphalus and Pellene. There is nothing in ancient history, as far as I am aware, that can lead to a knowledge of its name. Xenophon relates that when the first succours sent from Sicily to the Lacedaemonians in twenty triremes, by Dionysius the Elder, in the year BC 368, had defeated the Sicyonians in the field, they then captured the fortress of Gerae; but, as they reembarked soon afterwards and sailed to Syracuse, it would rather seem that Gerae was in the maritime plain. Stephanus names Buphia and Phoebia, the former upon the

§ 3.377 authority of Ephorus, as two places of the Sicyonia. The most remarkable dependency of Sicyon was Titane. The road thither has already been described from Pausanias, who proceeds to inform us, that the Asclepieium on the summit of the mountain Titane was built by Alexanor son of Machaon, son of Aesculapius. Around it there were dwellings chiefly for the use of those who, as at other hiera of Aesculapius, came to solicit the compassion of the deity, and probably the medical advice of his priests. Within the peribolus of the temple stood some aged, cypresses and a brazen statue of Granianus of Sicyon, who had been often successful at Olympia. Within the temple were statues of Aesculapius, of Hygieia, of Alexanor, and of Evamerion (the same person called Acesius by the Epidaurii). Of the statues of Aesculapius and Hygieia little could be seen, on account of the long garments with which they were covered, and that of Hygieia, moreover, by the votive hair of women. A statue of Hercules stood in either pediment, and figures of Victory at its extremities (on the acroteria). In the portico were wooden statues of Bacchus, Hecate, Venus, Ceres, and Fortune,

§ 3.378 and a statue in stone of Aesculapius Gortynius. Some sacred serpents were fed in the temple. On the descent of the hill there was an altar of the Winds, together with four pits, used for the performance of certain ceremonies to pacify the winds, among which the priest is said to have sung the incantation of Medeia. Besides the Asclepieium, there was a temple of Minerva at Titane, containing an ancient wooden statue of the goddess. Here it was customary, upon particular occasions, to worship Coronis, whose wooden statue, kept elsewhere, was then brought into the temple. On the way from Titane to the maritime Sicyon there was a temple of Juno, on the left of the road, without roof or statue. After making many inquiries of the villagers of Vasilika for ancient coins, I have only been able to procure two, and both these are didrachmae, in silver, of Sicyon itself, on which are represented on one side a dove standing, and expanding its wings, as if about to fly, on the other a dove on the wing, within a garland of olive. On one of the coins the letters S E are distinguishable, the sigma of an archaic form. I notice the circumstance, because other coins, of a style very similar, but having a chimaera in place of the standing bird, and the legend SE

§ 3.379 have been assigned by numismatists to the island Seriphos, though it is clear, I think, that they belonged, as well as the two above mentioned, to Sicyon, at an early period, when the name was written Σεικυων. The substitution of the iota for the diphthong in proper names was very common in the later ages of Greece, and accordingly there exist coins of Sicyon, of a fabric less ancient, with the same types of the chimaera, the bird, and the olive wreath, and inscribed with the letters 21. Drachmae so inscribed, with a chimaera on one side, and on the other the dying dove, without the olive, are the most common of all silver coins. I have seen some thousands of them since I have been in Greece. They are probably all posterior to the time of Demetrius; at least I have met with one with the letters 21, JH, a shewing, that during the short period in which the Sicyonians preserved the name of Demetrias, the diphthong was already dropped. The hill of Sicyon commands a most beautiful and interesting prospect. To the eastward is seen the plain so celebrated for its fertility, which at the other extremity is terminated by the noble mountain of Acro-Corinth, and which is separated by the Isthmus, and the bay of Lechaeum, from the Oneian mountains,

§ 3.380 closing the view in that direction. From the shore of the bay of Lechaeum rises that separate portion of the Oneia which terminates in a rocky peak above Perakhora, a village most agreeably situated on its western face, amidst cultivated slopes and olive plantations, descending to the cape opposite to Sicyon, upon which anciently stood the Heraeum, or the temple of Juno Acraea. The inhabitants of Perakhora make pitch from the forests of their mountain, and in good years 6000 barrels of excellent oil from their olive trees. The cape of Juno is called Melangavi or Black Cape. A little to the eastward of it, towards the Isthmus, is the anchorage named Agrio, a corruption perhaps of Acraea. Farther, in the same direction, there is a lake called Vuliasmeni, which is separated from the sea by a narrow strip of land, and still farther eastward on the same shore the Lutra or Hot-springs, already noticed. On the other side of Melangavi there projects beyond it, in the view from Sicyon, the cape which is opposite to the Kalanisia, or small islands, situated in the entrance of the north-eastern branch of the Corinthiac Gulf, which terminates in the ports of Pagae, Aegosthenae, and Creusis. I have already remarked that this cape is probably the ancient Olmiae.

§ 3.381 Beyond these objects and the gulf to the left of them, the horizon is magnificently closed by the renowned summits of Cithaeron, Helicon, and Parnassus. The great ridges of the two latter mountains are blended in the view from Sicyon, but there is an opening between Cithaeron and Helicon, which is filled by an insulated rocky mountain, rising immediately from the sea-shore, which is now called Korombili. I am unable to attach the ancient name either to this mountain or to the peak of Perakhora, although they are two of the most remarkable objects in the eastern part of the Corinthiac Gulf.

§ 3.382 CHAPTER XXXI: ACHAIA. April 25. — This afternoon, at 2.30, I descend from Vasilika to Mulki, a farm and tower belonging to Nuri Bey. On the descent I observe some remains of the ancient walls of the city; there are some others near Mulki, and they are traceable also at intervals towards the sea, shewing clearly that the whole space, a distance of more than two miles from the northern point of the acropolis, was at some period connected by walls with the hill of Vasilika. At 2.45 we cross the river which flows on the western side of that hill; the road then approaches the sea obliquely, and at 2.52 joins the coast road from Corinth. The paralian plain now becomes narrower; at 2.58 cross a small stream, from a gorge in the mountain on the left: 3.12 pass some ancient foundations on the road side, where appears to have been a wall reaching to the shore, from the mountain on the left. The river which we crossed at 2.45, and which flows on the western side of the hill of Sicyon, I take to be the ancient Helisson and that of 2.58 the Sythas. Pausanias says, that “on the road from the port of Sicyon towards Aristonautae,” which is precisely our route, “there first occurred a temple of Neptune on the left, then the river Helisson, then the Sythas.” On the festival of Apollo, there was a procession of boys and girls from Sicyon to the Sythas, from whence they returned to the temple of Peitho, and from thence to the temple of Apollo, both of which, as we have seen, were situated in the Demetrian agora Hence it may be inferred that the Sythas was not very far from Sicyon. The same river is called Sys by Ptolemy, who names no other between Lechaeum and the boundary of Achaea. The wall which stretched from the mountain to the shore may have marked the boundary of the Sicyonia. At 3.20 we cross a small stream like the last; at 3.32 pass the projection of the hills, which terminates the view of the coast line from Corinth, and which leaves a very narrow level only between it and the sea. A little beyond, the road opens upon a plain of considerable breadth, but which is almost wholly uncultivated. We follow the sea-beach, and at 3.50 cross the mouth of a river, half an hour beyond which we incline towards the hills, enter the olive plantations of Xylo-kastro, and, after crossing the river of Pellene, arrive at 5 p. m. at Xylo-kastro.

§ 3.384 April 26. Ride obliquely across the maritime plain in half an hour to the khan of Kamari, or Kamares, which takes its name from a village of that name on the sea-side, belonging to Nuri Bey. On the eastern side of the khan are some pieces of ancient brick-work, and some squared blocks of stone lying near them in the fields. They are some remains perhaps of Aristonautae, the port of Pellene. Near the tower of Kamares, the name of which (meaning arches) seems to indicate the existence of more considerable remains in former times, there is a little curve in the coast, exposed to the north, but which anciently may have received some assistance from art. At least I see no appearance of a harbour in any other position. The place where I landed, at the mouth of the river of Xylo-kastro, and which is used as the place of embarkation for the district of Trikkala, is still more exposed than Kamares, being protected only by a low point, so that when the weather appears threatening, vessels generally seek shelter in one of the secure anchorages of the opposite coast. The Khan of Kamares stands at the foot of the pointed mountain so conspicuous from almost every part of the Gulf, called Koryfi. It is beyond a doubt the ancient Gonoessa, or Donoessa, or Donussa, to which Homer has well applied the epithet of lofty; for it is higher than the acropolis of Corinth, and more conspicuous from its being more abrupt and equally insulated. Pausanias has accurately described its position, as being between Aegeira and Pellene. At 7.35 I leave the Khan, and at 7.45 the Pyrgo of Nuri Bey on the right: 7.52 cross the river Fonissa, issuing from a valley on the western side of Mount Koryfi. On the right bank of the river I observe some remains of ancient buildings of brick, similar to those at Kamares. Our road is now an uncultivated narrow plain, covered with bushes, which stretches along the shore, at the foot of white cliffs, clothed with pines. At 8.50, having mounted to an upper

§ 3.386 level which terminates seaward in the cliffs just mentioned, we arrive abreast of Avgo; this peninsulated peak, though not high, forms a remarkable object, wherever it is visible. The upper level unites it with the mountains, and thus it forms a natural separation between the Pellenaea and Aegeiratis. The cliffs now retire inland, and leave a maritime plain covered with currant vineyards, belonging to Zakhuli, which village stands in a lofty situation, above the right bank of a river flowing from the western side of Mavrioro; this stream we cross at 9The coast now curves considerably, and forms a very wide bay, which may be called the bay of Akrata; though it affords no safe anchorage, being entirely exposed to the northward. At 9.27 we pass at the foot of a woody height, upon which are situated the Katyvia of Zakhuli, just above the bottom of a curve of the coast. At 9.45 cross a small stream, halt five minutes, and at 10 arrive at the inner curve of the bay of Akrata. At 10.10 a square mass of ruin, formed of rough stones, cemented with mortar, is on the road side, close to the sea-beach, and upon it are three or four quadrangular blocks of stone. At 10.32 we cross a rocky point, advancing into the sea. Here are two little creeks in the rocks, and the

§ 3.387 foundations of Hellenic walls upon the latter; together with some squared blocks in a small level corn-field, just within the rocks. The place is called τa Μαυρα Λίθάρία (the Black Rocks); it seems to have been the port of Aegeira, for to the left, on the summit of a hill, which is separated by a narrow plain from the shore, are some vestiges of an ancient city, which I cannot doubt to have been Aegeira. They occupy an upper summit, which is separated from a lower towards the plain, by a small precipice. The walls are traceable around the brow of the hill, and there are said to be several foundations and fragments of antiquity in the inclosed space. Polybius, in relating an expedition of the Aetolians, who surprised Aegeira from the opposite town of Oiantheia, in Phocis, in the first year of the Social War, but who were driven out with great loss after obtaining possession of the city, has truly described the place as situated opposite to Mount Parnassus, upon hills strong and difficult of access, seven stades from the sea, and near a river. Pausanias tells us, that Aegeira was the Hyperesia of Homer, and that it was still sometimes known by that name. Its objects worthy of notice were a temple of Jupiter, which contained a sitting statue of the

§ 3.388 god in Pentelic marble, by Eucleides of Athens, together with an upright statue of Minerva made of wood, gilded and painted, and having the face, hands, and feet of ivory. The temple of Diana contained a statue of the goddess of recent workmanship, with an ancient statue of Iphigeneia, to whom the temple was supposed to have been originally dedicated. The temple of Apollo was very ancient. The statue was naked, colossal, and made of wood, and was supposed by Pausanias, upon comparing it with a Hercules at Sicyon, to have been the work of Laphaes of Phlious. The same temple contained upright statues of Aesculapius, Isis, and Sarapis, of Pentelic marble, and in the aeti some works of statuary, apparently coeval with the building. But the deity held in the greatest veneration by the Aegeiratae, was Venus Urania, into whose temple men were not permitted to enter, nor into that of the Syrian goddess, except on particular days and after certain expiations. A building dedicated to Fortune contained a statue of Fortune bearing the horn of Amaltheia, with a winged Love standing beside her, to signify that success in love depends more upon good fortune than upon beauty. In the same building there was a monument in honour of a young hero of Aegeira, who had been slain in battle. Near the youth, who was represented as armed

§ 3.389 with a thorax, stood his two brothers; his three sisters were taking off their bracelets as a sign of mourning for him, and his aged father was weeping, (probably seated). From the temple of Jupiter (which we hence learn to have been at the summit of the town) there was an ascent of forty stades through the mountains to a town of no great note, called Phelloe. This place, which, according to Pausanias, was not inhabited in the time of the Iones, he describes as abounding in springs of water, and as surrounded with land well suited to vines, beyond which were rocky mountains covered with oak, and peopled with deer and wild swine. Phelloe still preserved temples of Bacchus and Diana; the statue of the former was of wood, coated with cinnabar, that of Diana, which was in brass, represented the goddess as drawing an arrow from her quiver. Some remains of Phelloe, if I am not misinformed, are to be seen on the road from Vlogoka to Zakhuli. Strabo says, that between Aegae and the city Pellene, there was a small town also called Pellene, and that here were fabricated the celebrated Pellenic cloaks or blankets, which were

§ 3.390 so much valued as to be offered as prizes in some of the agonistic contests at Pellene. As Phelloe was exactly in the position which Strabo indicates, one cannot but suspect that he may have been mistaken as to the name; perhaps the greater part of the cloth, though it bore the name of Pellene, was made at Phelloe. In fact, the abundant waters at the latter place seem to afford greater conveniences for the fulling of cloth than Pellene possessed, where water was scarce, at least in the town. Pausanias states, that the port of the Aegeiratae was twelve stades from the upper city; in Polybius, it has been seen that the number is seven: Pausanias is the more correct of the two, if the town extended no farther towards the sea than the upper range of cliffs which I have mentioned. In the time of the Social War, perhaps it comprehended also the lower level, which immediately overlooked the maritime plain. According to the number of stades between Aristonautae and the maritime Aegeira, as stated by Pausanias, namely, 120, Aristonautae

§ 3.391 will coincide better with Xylokastro than with Kamares, if we assume the Mavra Litharia for the maritime Aegeira, the latter position giving a rate of about twelve stades to the geographical mile in direct distance, which is too great, the former ten and one-third, which is nearly the correct rate on a line of that length. The distances of Pausanias, however, on this coast, are not sufficiently complete or accurate to justify a reliance on this evidence aloneon the other hand, the ruins at Kamares, with the little harbour at that place, give it strongly the preference over the mouth of the Xylo-kastro, where no such appearances of a harbour are found. Having crossed the Mavra Litharia, which interrupt the sandy beach of the bay for the distance of ten minutes, we enter the plain of Akrata, which consists of a white clayey soil, entirely covered with currant plantations. On the hills above stand several villages, of which the largest, and that nearest to the site of Aegeira, is called Vlogoka. They belong to Khassia, a sub-district of the Kalavryta Kazasi; the slopes around them produce an abundance of fine wheat. At 10.45 cross a large stream, which now whitens all the bay with the colour

§ 3.392 of its waters, but which, in dry weather, is said to be very shallow. It is called the river of Khassia, being formed from the waters of that mountainous district. This is evidently the river flowing by Aegeira, which is mentioned by Polybius, and it is the same also, I think, as the Crius, which Pausanias describes as joining the sea near Aegeirae, though in this case lie is incorrect in saying that it rises in the mountains above Pellene, for the origin of the Khassiotiko is not far from that of the Akrata or Crathis, and nearer to the Pheneatice than the Pellenaea, between which latter district and the Khassiotiko, the river of Zakhuli or Phelloe is interposed. If the river of Khassia be not the Crius, the Zakhulitiko is the only one to which that ancient name can be applied. But although a part of its contributions are from the western side of Mount Mavrioro, which is literally one of the mountains above Pellene, and although it joins the sea to the westward of Cape Avgo, and was therefore at its junction with the sea a river of the Aegeiratis, the distance from thence to the site of Aegeira seems too great to answer to the apparent meaning of Pausanias in the words προς Αιγείρας. Nor is it likely that he should

§ 3.393 have noticed the stream of Zakhuli, and omitted all mention of the larger river of Khassia; on the other hand, he may very possibly have been misinformed as to the origin of the river of Aegeira, or perhaps he here used the word υπερ as he does on many other occasions, without any intention of being precise. He mentions another stream as rising in the mountains: of Pellene, but the name is omitted. He alluded probably to the river of Xylo-kastro, on which supposition the Fonissa and the Zakhulitiko, although such streams as he is in the habit of noticing, have both been neglected by him; it is, perhaps, to a defective text, of which there are some other appearances, that we may ascribe both this omission, and that of the name of the river of Xylo-kastro.

§ 3.394 After having crossed the currant vineyards, we arrive at the river Akrata, the ancient Crathis, which, rising in the mountain of Zarukhla, and after receiving the Styx from Mount Khelmos at Klukines, here issues from the mountains. Strabo derives its name from its being formed of two rivers. At 11.30 we cross it by a bridge of seven arches, and halt at the Khan of Akrata, which stands on the summit of the steep bank of the river a little within a bluff point, which here, projecting from the mountain, forms a conspicuous cape from Epakto, Vostitza, as well as the northern and eastern parts of the gulf; this height, however, is not exactly on the sea side, being separated from it by a small plain covered with currant grounds, through which the river discharges itself. At a short distance westward from the mouth of the river the plain terminates, and the sea begins to break upon a steep rocky coast covered with brushwood, along the summit of which is the Vostitza road. Aegae, one of the ancient cities of Aegialus, and a rival of Helice in the fame and riches of its temple of Neptune, was probably situated

§ 3.395 on the site of the Khan of Akrata; for though neither Strabo nor Pausanias, who agree in placing Aegae on the Crathis, distinguish the bank on which it stood, yet, as the right bank is low and often inundated, we can hardly doubt that the commanding height which rises from the left bank, and upon which the khan is built, must have been the site of the ancient city. As it was deserted before the time of Strabo, who adds, that the site was then called Aega, I am not surprised at being unable to find any other remains of antiquity than some broken pottery and fragments of wrought stones in the neighbouring fields. The abrupt termination of the height to which I have already alluded, is a walk of five minutes from the khan to the north-westward. It commands a noble view of the gulf, and of the adjacent parts of Boeotia, Phocis and Locris from the Megaris to Naupactus. On the opposite coast of Locris between Cape Andromakhi, at the western entrance of the Gulf of Orissa, and the Khan of Ferat Effendi near Epakto, I observe first a valley on the coast where is the village of Dhidhavra, then a cape near Kiseli, then Cape Psaromyti, on the eastern side of which is Petrinitza in a plain, and on the other side of Psaromyti the Trisonia islands. Behind the coast rise the great

§ 3.396 mountains which I crossed in the way from Salona to Epakto. At 2.55 leaving the khan we enter upon the route along the rugged hills just described; it is called Kaki Skala. At 3.06 the road to Kalavryta mounts the hill to the left. At 3.38 the Potamitika Katyvia are on the summit of the same heights. At 4 descend from the Kaki Skala into a small maritime plain belonging to Dhiakofto; this village stands among the hills to our left, near the river which I crossed in the way from Klukines to Megaspilio on the 3d of April. It was there called the Lago, but is better known on the coast by the name of Dhiakofto. The other stream, which I passed the same day, and which rises near Apano Potamia, or Potamnia, is a branch of it. At 4.07 we cross the river of Dhiakofto. Through the gorge I recognize the flat topped rocky summit between Potamnia and the Lago, called Petruki. After having traversed the plain we again travel for a short distance along the summit of cliffs bordering the coast, and then enter upon the great maritime level which extends beyond Vostitza, and which at one time was divided among the four cities of Bura, Helice, Aegium, and Rhypae, but at last belonged to Aegium alone.

§ 3.397 At 4.48 we arrive at the river of Kalavryta, but find it so swollen with the late rains that we are obliged to follow its right bank for 10 minutes to a bridge, which stands just at the entrance of a stupendous opening between two perpendicular rocks, beautifully fringed with trees and shrubs. We then mount a hill overlooking the maritime plain, and backed by rocky heights which are connected with the precipices on the side of the river. At 5.10 arrive at Trupia a metokhi of the monastery of Megaspilio, with a church of St. Irene, delightfully situated in the midst of woods interspersed with olive plantations, vineyards, and corn-fields, on the crest of a steep height, the foot of which is separated from the sea by a plain covered with currant plantations. The convent commands a magnificent prospect of the gulf, of the opposite shore of Locris, and of all the great summits from Mount Geraneia to Naupactus. I doubt whether there is any thing in Greece, abounding as it is in enchanting scenery and interesting recollections, that can rival the Corinthiac Gulf. There is no lake scenery in Europe that can compete with it. Its coasts, broken into an infinite variety of outline by the ever-changing mixture of bold promontory, gentle slope, and cultivated level, are crowned

§ 3.398 on every side by lofty mountains of the most pleasing and majestic forms; the fine expanse of water inclosed in this noble frame, though not so much frequented by ships as it ought to be by its natural adaptation to commerce, is sufficiently enlivened by vessels of every size and shape to present at all times an animated scene. Each step in the Corinthiac Gulf presents to the traveller a new prospect, not less delightful to the eye than interesting to the mind, by the historical fame and illustrious names of the objects which surround him. And if, in the latter peculiarity, the celebrated panorama in the Saronic Gulf, described by Sulpicius be preferable, that arm of the Aegaean is in almost every part inferior to the Corinthian sea in picturesque beauty; the surrounding mountains are less lofty and less varied in their heights and outlines,, and, unless where the beautiful plain of Athens is sufficiently near to decorate the prospect, it is a picture of almost unmitigated sterility and rocky

§ 3.399 wildness exhibited in every possible form of mountain, promontory, and island. It must, however, be admitted, that it is only by comparison that such a scene can be depreciated. The metokhi of St. Irene stood formerly in the plain, but the monks were obliged to quit that situation on account of its unhealthiness. It possesses all the currant plantations of the plain, and the olive-trees and corn-land on the hill, besides large flocks which feed still higher in the adjacent mountain. Trupia stands exactly, I think, on the site of Bura, but the only remains I can find are some foundations not for from the convent, on the descent of the hill on the Vostitza road. They seem to have been those of a temple. If this be the site of Bura, the lines of Ovid, in which he asserts that the remains of Bura, like those of Helice, were still to be seen at the bottom of the sea furnish a good instance of how little the Roman poets cared about topographical accuracy. Pliny, indeed, makes the same assertion, and it might therefore be suspected that the ancient Bura, like Helice, stood on the shore, and that after

§ 3.400 the earthquake the site was removed to the hill. But Strabo and Pausanias are much better authorities than the two Latin authors. Strabo clearly and correctly distinguishes the nature of the convulsion which destroyed either city. “ Bura ”, he remarks, “was destroyed by an opening of the earth, Helice by the swelling of the sea”. Pausanias makes the same distinction, though less clearly. “At the same time”, he says, “that the deity withdrew Helice from the sight of men, Bura was shaken by an earthquake so violently, that not even the ancient statues in the temples were saved; and of the inhabitants of Bura, those only who happened to be absent in war or from other causes, and who became founders of the new city”. The earthquake of Helice was the most fatal of which we have any notice in Grecian history. It occurred two years before the battle of Leuctra BC 373. Heracleides Ponticus, in whose time the earthquake happened, affirms, that the anger of Neptune was excited against the people of Helice, because they had refused to give their statue of Neptune to the Ionian colonists of Asia, or even to supply them with a model of the temple;

§ 3.401 he adds, that the earthquake happened in the ensuing winter. The refusal is said by Diodorus to have been accompanied, on the part of the people of Helice and Bura, by violence towards the Ionian deputies; according to Pausanias and Aelian even by their murder. Heraclides informs us, that the earthquake took place in the night; that the city, and a space of twelve stades below it, were submerged by the sea; and that the other Achaeans, who, on hearing of the disaster, had sent 2000 men for the purpose of removing the dead, when they found that no part of the city remained, divided the remaining lands of Helice among the neighbouring states. More than a century afterwards Eratosthenes visited the place and heard it asserted, that the brazen statue of Neptune holding the hippocampus in his hand was still visible under water, and formed a shoal dangerous to fishermen. Pausanias relates, that after the earthquake bad subverted the houses, the sea rose so high as almost to cover the trees in the sacred grove of Neptune Heliconius. Not a vestige of Helice remained in his time except some fragments in the sea, having the usual appearance of buildings which had been acted upon by water. [The μηνις Ποσειδονος seems to be not yet satisfied. On the 23d of August, 1817, the same spot was again the scene of a similar disaster. The earthquake was preceded by a sudden explosion, which was compared to that of a battery of cannon. The shock which immediately succeeded was said to have lasted a minute and a half, during which the sea rose at the mouth of the Selinus, and extended so far as to inundate all the level immediately below Vostitza. After its retreat not a trace was left of some magazines which had stood on the shore, and the sand which had covered the beach was all carried away. The ships anchored in the road were not injured, but the smaller vessels were thrown ashore with more or less damage. In Vostitza sixty-five persons lost their lives, and two thirds of the buildings were entirely ruined, including the Turkish mosque and the houses of the voivoda and kady. Five villages in the plain were destroyed, among which was that of Upper Temeni, or Temena. In the bay of Trisonia, on the opposite coast of Rumeli, the sea rose in the same manner as at Vostitza and advanced 200 paces into the plain.]

§ 3.402 April 27. — A source of water near the Metokhi of Trupia is probably the fountain Sybaris at Bura, which gave name to the celebrated river and city in Italy. I descend this morning from the metokhi by the ruins just mentioned to the western foot of the hill of Trupia, which is here very steep, and then pass through forest-trees and an underwood of wild olive and Jerusalem thorn, beautifully festooned with wild grape-vines and now in all their vernal beauty. On the side of the hill on the left, not far short of the river Bokhusia, I remark a grotto with votive niches in it, and soon afterwards a sepulchral niche in the rocks on the opposite side of the river: we arrive on the bank in half an hour from Trupia, not far below the exit of the rocky gorge, through which I descended coming from Megaspilio on the 5th instant. The river answers exactly to the Cerynites of Pausanias, and the ancient city which I then visited, just above the descent into the ravine, to the small city Ceryneia. A lofty tabular rocky summit seen through the opening is called Klokos, from a village of that name on its slope. On the northern side of the same mountain, towards the right bank of the river of Vostitza, there is a monastery dedicated to St. Michael. Pausanias describes the Cerynites as having its origin in Arcadia and Mount Ceryneia. Above the site of the ancient town, the river is formed of two branches, of which the western flows from Mount Klokos, the eastern from the mountain on the northern side of

§ 3.404 the vale of Kalavryta, on which are situated the villages of Visoka and Kerpeni. The mountain of Klokos therefore I take to be the Ceryneia of the ancients, and that Pausanias alludes to the eastern branch of the river by the words εξ Αρκαδίας, for Mount Klokos is surrounded by Achaean districts, whereas the ridge of Kerpeni belonged to the Arcadian city Cynaetha. In descending the hill, I remarked at the mouth of the river some shoals, which may indicate perhaps the site of the drowned Helice, the spot being nearly at the distance from Aegium, assigned by Pausanias, namely, forty stades. Having fallen into my route of the 5th, and crossed the Bokhusia at 7.18, we pass the mass of ancient brickwork as before, cross the Selinus, or river of Vostitza, at 8.03, and at 8.35 arrive in the town of Vostitza. I shall here insert an extract of the topographical information of Pausanias, from the three chapters of his Achaics which relate to the country between Aegium and Aegeira, as, thus placed before the reader at one view, they may serve more clearly to justify the positions which I have assigned to the ancient places. [long quotation omitted]

§ 3.406 Here it is seen that Pausanias mentions only four rivers between Aegium and the port of Aegeira, whereas there are six, of considerable size, namely: 1. The river of Vostitza; 2. The Bokhusia; 3. The river of Kalavryta; 4. The Lago, or river of Dhiakofto; 5. The Akrata, or river of Klukines; 6. The river of Khassia. As to the last, I have already offered some reasons for believing that Pausanias has noticed it in another place, under the name of Crius. Of the five remaining, it can hardly be questioned, from the words of Pausanias, that the river of Vostitza is the Selinus, for the real topography shews that Strabo has incorrectly described the Selinus as flowing through the city of the Aegienses, there being no river in that situation. It will follow that the Bokhusia was the Cerynites. That the Akrata was the ancient Crathis, there is still less reason for doubting. Independently of the resemblance of the modern name, the magnitude and permanence of the stream in summer, accord with the epithet αενναος, by which Pausanias distinguishes the Crathis from the other rivers of Achaea, which in summer are for the most part of that pulverulent kind so common in Greece. Besides these proofs, there are the strong geographical arguments, first, of the vicinity to Pheneus of the mountain, (anciently called Crathis) in which are the sources of the river Akrata;

§ 3.408 secondly, that of its being joined by the Styx, from the cascade of the mountain Aroania (now Khelmos), and thirdly, the vicinity of the latter mountain to the Cleitoria. As to the Buraicus, there may be a question arising from the following causes: 1st, Pausanias has not mentioned the origin of that river, as he has of the Cerynites and Crathis: 2dly, There are no remains of Bura of sufficient importance to lead to any opinion as to the exact site of that city, without a previous identifying of the river: 3dly, The only information which Pausanias gives us, regarding the position of the Buraicus, is that it was seventy stades from Aegium, and seventy-two from the maritime Aegeira, distances which, added together, will give too great a rate to the stade on the whole distance, to allow of our placing implicit reliance upon their accuracy: Nor, 4thly, would even the proportion of the two numbers decide the question between the Lago and river of Kalavryta, as the point resulting from that proportion will fall between the two streams. But on further examination there can be little hesitation in choosing between them. 1st, It is not likely that Pausanias should have mentioned the Lago, and omitted the river of Kalavryta, which is much the larger: 3dly: There are no remains of an ancient town on the banks of the Lago, as I could perceive or learn, whereas there are some remains, as I have stated, on several parts of the heights of Trupia, where the strong and commanding situation adds much to the probability of its having been an ancient site. It appears from Strabo that the real name of the Buraicus, or river of Bura, was Erasinus, or Arsinus.

§ 3.409 April 28. Finding it impossible to explore the middle route from Kalavryta to Patra without great risk, I am obliged once more to follow the road from Aegium to Patrae. At the Khan of Lambiri, where I halt for the night, a Tatar of Patra, travelling the same road, offers me, as a present, part of a lamb, which he had purchased on the road; soon afterwards he explains to me the cause of this civility. He was a Dehli in the service of Mustafa Pasha, who was made prisoner by the French, at the landing at Abukir, and who died at Kairo. When the French drove the Turks into the sea, the Dehli endeavoured with many others to save himself, by swimming on board Kadir Bey's ship; but his countrymen stood ready to cut him down, if he attempted to climb the ship's sides. He then swam to an English ship, where he was well treated, and was afterwards landed at Akka. I find that it was by the same Tatar's influence at Vostitza, that I was provided with a celebrated Bosniac horse for my journey, which has belonged, they say, for fifteen years to the menzilhane of Vostitza, and has been in constant work, seldom reposing more than a day at a time, and the oftener employed, as all persons travelling this road are well acquainted with his virtues.

§ 3.410 It can hardly be doubted that the harbour of Lambiri is the ancient Erineus, where a naval action was fought in the nineteenth year of the Peloponnesian war, BC 413, not long before the defeat of the Athenians in Sicily. There is no other harbour near the situation indicated by Pausanias, that will answer to Erineus, and Lambiri accords perfectly with the circumstances related by Thucydides. The Peloponnesian fleet, consisting chiefly of Corinthian ships, had for some time been stationed on the coast opposite to Naupactus, in observation of an inferior force of Athenians at that place, when the latter, having received a reinforcement under Conon, which made them more than equal to the enemy, these withdrew to Erineus, and were followed thither by the Athenians.

§ 3.411 The shore at Erineus formed a curve within two promontories. The land forces of the Corinthians and their confederates were stationed on either promontory, and the ships formed a line between them. When the Athenians arrived, the security of the position caused a pause on both sides, but the Corinthians, at length thinking the moment favourable, advanced to the attack. Three of their ships were sunk, and the wrecks, drifting out to sea, were taken by the Athenians, seven of whose galleys were disabled by the superior strength of the Corinthian beaks. A trophy of victory was erected on both sides. The road from Corinth to Patrae being direct, level, and free from obstacles, unless when violent rains swell the rivers and injure the roads, is one of the best in Greece for trying the rate of travelling. I have found it, with post-horses, both on the whole line and in detail, to be three geographical miles and a half, in direct distance, to an hour of time. This, therefore, is the rate that may be taken for the frequented post routes in Turkey, when the horses are good and there are no obstacles or retardations from hills, baggage, or bad roads; but with the ordinary roads and cattle of Greece it is certainly too great a rate. From 3 to 3.3 geographical miles, or from 30 to 33 stades, is a safer average in Greece for direct or short

§ 3.412 lines, even when there are no mountains: a further deduction, according to circumstances, is necessary on long, or indirect, or mountainous routes. The following numbers shew the difference of rate between the agoyatic horses and those of the menzil. From Patra to the khan of Lambiri, with the former, it took 310 minutes; with the latter, 255; — from Lambiri to Vostitza, with the former, 133; with the latter, 110. The proportions are exactly the same, and shew the uniformity of the rates: which are in a ratio of 6 to 5. Such calculations would not be worth making in a country in which geodaesic operations can be carried on according to rule; but in Turkey, where trigonometry can only be partially applied, they are useful auxiliaries to instrumental observations. I have found great advantage also in having constantly with me a horse, the walk of which I had exactly ascertained by measurement in the plains of Athens and Ioannina. From Patrae to Aegium, Pausanias furnishes us both with a paraplus and a route by land. In the former, which he reckons 230 stades in length, he gives the distances of the several harbours along the coast; in the latter, which he makes 40 stades shorter than the line of

§ 3.413 navigation, he notices the rivers and the ruins. “As you sail”, he says, “from Patrae to Aegium, the promontory Rhium first occurs, distant fifty stades from Patrae; then the port named Panormus, which is fifteen stades beyond the promontory. There is a like distance from Panormus to the place called the fortress of Minerva from thence to the port Erineus the distance by sea is ninety stades, and from Erineus to Aegium sixty stades. The road by land is forty stades shorter. Not far from the city of Patrae is the river Meilichus, and the temple of Diana Triclaria, which has no longer any statue: it stands to the right of the road. Proceeding from thence, there occurs another river, named Charadrus, beyond which are some few remains of the city Argyra, the fountain Argyra on the right-hand side of the high road, and the river Selemnus descending to the sea. Beyond Argyra is the river Bolinaeus, upon which was formerly situated the city Bolina; farther on a promontory extends into the sea, called Drepanum; a little above the high road are the ruins of Rhypae; Aegium is about thirty stades distant from Rhypae; the river Phoenix flows to the sea through the country of Aegium, and another called Meganitas.”