Dio Cassius, Histories

§ 46.45.5 This was of course done under pressure of arms; but Caesar, in order that he might appear not to have used any force upon them, did not enter the assembly, — as if it was his presence that any one feared instead of his power!

§ 46.46.1 Thus Caesar was chosen consul, and Quintus Pedius was given him as his colleague in office — 2 if it is right to call him that and not his subordinate. And Caesar was extremely proud of the fact that he was to be consul at an earlier age than had ever been the lot of any one else, and furthermore that on the first day of the elections, when he entered the Campus Martius, he saw six vultures, and later, while haranguing the soldiers, twelve others.

§ 46.46.3 For, comparing it with Romulus and the omen that had befallen him, he expected to obtain that king's sovereignty also. He did not, however, boast of being consul for the second time, merely because of his having already been given the distinction of the consular honours. And his practice was afterwards observed in all similar cases down to our own day, 4 the emperor Severus being the first to depart from it; for after honouring Plautianus with the consular honours and later making him a member of the senate and appointing him consul, he proclaimed that Plautianus was entering upon the consulship for the second time, and from that time forth the same thing has been done in other instances.

§ 46.46.5 Now Caesar arranged affairs in general in the city to suit his taste, and gave money to the soldiers, to some what had been voted from the funds prescribed, and to the rest individually from his private resources, as he claimed, but in reality from the public funds. 6 In this way and for the reasons mentioned the soldiers received their money on that occasion. But some men have misunderstood the matter and have thought it was compulsory that the ten thousand sesterces be given always to absolutely all the citizen legions that enter Rome under arms.

§ 46.46.7 For this reason the followers of Severus who had entered the city to overthrow Julianus became most terrifying both to their leader himself and to us when they demanded this sum; and Severus won their favour with only a thousand sesterces apiece, the other leaders not even being aware of what it was the soldiers were demanding.

§ 46.47.1 Now Caesar not only gave the soldiers the money but also expressed to them his most hearty and sincere thanks; indeed, he did not even venture to enter the senate-chamber without a guard of them. To the senate he showed gratitude, but it was all fictitious and assumed for he was accepting as if it were a favour received from their willing hands what he had attained by applying force to them. 2 And so they plumed themselves on their behaviour, as if they had given him these privileges voluntarily; and, moreover, they granted to him, whom previously they had not even wished to elect to the consulship, the right, after his term should expire, of taking precedence, as often as he should be in camp, over any consul for the time being.

§ 46.47.3 To him on whom they had threatened to inflict penalties, because he had gathered forces on his own account without anyone's voting for it, they assigned the duty of collecting other forces; and to the man for whose disgrace and overthrow they had ordered Decimus to fight against Antony they added the legions of Decimus. 4 And, finally, he obtained the guardianship of city, so that he was able to do everything he wished in accordance with the laws, and he was adopted into Caesar's family in the regular way and changed his name in consequence.

§ 46.47.5 To be sure, even before this he had been accustomed, as some believe, to call himself Caesar, from the time this name had been bequeathed to him along with the inheritance, but he did not use this appellation with any strictness or in his dealings with everybody until at this time he got it confirmed in accordance with established custom, and was thus named, after his adoptive father, Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus. 6 For it is the custom for a person, when he is adopted, to take most of his name from his adopter but to keep one of his previous names somewhat altered in form.

§ 46.47.7 This is the way of the matter, but I shall call him, not Octavianus, but Caesar, inasmuch as the latter name has prevailed among all who have held sway over the Romans. 8 For although he acquired another name also, — that of Augustus, — and the emperors who succeeded him consequently assumed it also, that one will be described when it comes up in the history, and until then the title Caesar will be sufficient to show that Octavianus is indicated.

§ 46.48.1 This Caesar, then, as soon as he had conciliated the soldiers and dominated the senate, turned himself to avenging his father's murder; but as he was afraid of stirring up the populace more or less in carrying out this plan, he did not make known his intention until he had seen to the payment of the bequests made to them. 2 But when they had been won over by means of the money, although it belonged to the public funds and had been collected on the pretext of the war, then at length he began to follow up the murderers. And in order that he might not appear to be doing this by force but in accordance with some principle of justice, he proposed a law about their trial and convened the courts even in their absence.

§ 46.48.3 For the majority of the assassins were abroad and some were even holding commands over provinces; and those who were present not only failed to appear, by reason of their fear, but also secretly left the country. Consequently not only those who had been the actual murderers of Caesar, and their fellow-conspirators, were convicted by default, but many others also who, so far from having plotted against Caesar, had not even been in the city at the time. 4 This action was concocted chiefly against Sextus Pompey; for although he had had no share whatever in the attack, he was nevertheless condemned because he had been an enemy. Those adjudged guilty were debarred from fire and water and their property confiscated. The provinces, not only those which some of them were governing, but all the others as well, were entrusted to the friends of Caesar.

§ 46.49.1 Among the accused was also Publius Servilius Casca, the tribune. He had already suspected Caesar's purpose in advance and had quietly slipped away, even before Caesar entered the city. For this he was removed from his office, on the charge of having left the city contrary to precedent, the populace being convened for the purpose by his colleague, Publius Titius, and thus he was condemned. 2 When Titius died not long afterward, confirmation was found of a tradition that had remained unbroken from of old; for no one up to that time who had expelled a colleague had lived the year out. In the first place, Brutus died after removing Collatinus from office, than Gracchus was murdered after deposing Octavius, and Cinna, who put Marullus and Flavius out of the way, perished not long afterward.

§ 46.49.3 Thus has the tradition been observed. Now the murderers of Caesar had many accusers who were anxious to ingratiate themselves with his son, and many who were persuaded to act thus by the rewards offered. For they received money from the estate of the convicted man and the latter's honours and office, if he had any, and exemption from further service in the army both for themselves and for their sons and grandsons. 4 And as for the jurors, the majority voted against the accused, indicating in one way or another that they were justified in doing this, both in order to win Caesar's favour and through fear of him; but there were some who cast their votes out of respect for the law enacted in regard to the punishment of the culprits, and others out of respect for the arms of Caesar.

§ 46.49.5 And one Silicius Corona, a senator, voted outright to acquit Marcus Brutus. He made a great boast of this at the time and secretly received approval from the others; and the fact that he was not immediately put to death gained for Caesar a reputation for clemency, but Silicius was afterwards proscribed and executed.

§ 46.50.1 After accomplishing all this Caesar made a pretence of making a campaign against Lepidus and Antony. Antony, it seems, on fleeing from the battle previously described, had not been pursued by Caesar because the war against him had been entrusted to Decimus; and Decimus had not pursued him because he did not wish Caesar's rival to be removed from the field. 2 Hence Antony collected as many as he could of the survivors of the battle and came to Lepidus, who had also made preparations to march into Italy in accordance with the decree, but had afterwards been ordered to remain where he was.

§ 46.50.3 For the senators, when they ascertained that Silanus had embraced Antony's cause, were afraid that Lepidus and Lucius Plancus might also coöperate with him, and so they sent a message to them saying they had no further need of them. 4 And to prevent their suspecting anything and consequently causing trouble, they ordered them to establish in a colony in Gallia Narbonensis the men who had once been driven by the Allobroges out of Vienne and afterwards established between the Rhone and the Arar, at their confluence.

§ 46.50.5 Therefore they submitted, and founded the town called Lugudunum, now known as Lugdunum, — not because they could not have entered Italy with their arms, had they wished, for the senate's decrees by this time exerted a very weak influence upon such as had troops, 6 but because, while awaiting the outcome of the war Antony was conducting, they wished to appear to have yielded obedience to the senate and at the same time to strengthen their own position.

§ 46.51.1 In any case, Lepidus censured Silanus severely for making an alliance with Antony, and when Antony himself came, did not hold a conference with him immediately, but sent a despatch to the senate containing further accusation against him, in consequence of which he received not only praise but also the command of the war against him. 2 Hence for the time being he neither received Antony nor repelled him, but allowed him to be near and to associate with his followers, though he did not hold a conference with him; but when he learned of Antony's agreement with Caesar, he then came to terms with both of them himself.

§ 46.51.3 Marcus Juventius, his lieutenant, learned what was being done and at first tried to alter his purpose; then, when he did not succeed in persuading him, he made away with himself in the sight of the soldiers. 4 For this the senate voted eulogies and a statue to Juventius and a public funeral, but they deprived Lepidus of his statue which stood upon the Rostra and declared him an enemy. They also set a certain day for his comrades and threatened them with war if they did not abandon him before that day.

§ 46.51.5 Furthermore, they changed their garb again — for they had resumed citizen's apparel in honour of Caesar's consulship — and summoned Marcus Brutus, Cassius, and Sextus to proceed against them. But when these men seemed likely to be too slow in responding, they entrusted the war to Caesar, being unaware of his league with Antony and Lepidus.

§ 46.52.1 Caesar nominally accepted the charge, in spite of having caused his soldiers to shout out the promise already mentioned; but actually he did nothing to follow up his acceptance. This was not because he had made common cause with Antony and through him with Lepidus, — 2 little did he care for that, — but because he saw that they were powerful and knew that their harmony was due to their kinship; and not only could he not use force with them, but he even cherished hopes of bringing about through them the downfall of Cassius and Brutus, who were already very influential, and later of mastering them also by playing one against the other.

§ 46.52.3 Accordingly, though reluctantly, he kept his covenant with them and even effected a reconciliation between them and the senate and people. He did not himself propose the matter, lest some suspicion should arise of what had taken place, but he set out as if to make war on them, while Quintus urged, as if on his own motion, that amnesty and restoration should be granted to them. 4 They did not secure this, however, until the senate had communicated the matter to Caesar, who was supposed to be in ignorance of what was going on, and he had agreed to it reluctantly, as he alleged, under compulsion from his soldiers.

§ 46.53.1 While all this was going on, Decimus at first set forth with the intention of making war upon the two, and associated with himself Lucius Plancus, since the latter had been appointed in advance as his colleague for the following year. 2 Learning, however, of his own condemnation and of their reconciliation, he wished to make a campaign against Caesar, but was abandoned by Plancus, who favoured the cause of Lepidus and Antony. Then he decided to leave Gaul and hasten by land through Illyricum into Macedonia to Brutus, and he sent ahead some of the soldiers while he was engaged in finishing the business he had in hand.

§ 46.53.3 But they embraced Caesar's cause, and the rest were pursued by Lepidus and Antony and afterwards were won over through the agency of others; thus Decimus, being deserted, was seized by a personal foe. When he was about to be murdered, he fell to complaining and lamenting, until one Helvius Blasio, who was kindly disposed to him from their association in campaigns, voluntarily slew himself first in his sight.

§ 46.54.1 So Decimus died also. Antony and Lepidus left lieutenants in Gaul and themselves proceeded to join Caesar in Italy, taking with them the larger and better part of the army. 2 For they did not yet trust him thoroughly and wished not to owe him any favour, but to seem to have obtained pardon and return by their own efforts and strength, rather than through him. They also hoped that, owing to the superiority of their legions, both Caesar and the rest in the city would do whatever they, Antony and Lepidus, wished.

§ 46.54.3 So with such a purpose they marched through Italy, as if through a friendly country; still, it was harried, owing to their numbers and audacity, as much as in any war. They were met near Bononia by Caesar with many soldiers; for he was exceedingly well prepared to defend himself against them, if they should offer any violence. 4 Yet at this time he found no need of arms to oppose them. For although they hated one another bitterly, yet since they had forces about equal and desired to have one another's assistance in taking vengeance on their other enemies first, they reached a pretended agreement.

§ 46.55.1 And the three men came together for the conference, not alone, but each with an equal number of soldiers, on a little island in the river that flows past Bononia, so that no one else might be present on the side of any of them. 2 And so they withdrew to a distance from their several escorts and searched one another carefully, to make sure that no one had a dagger concealed. Then they considered various matters at leisure and, in brief, made a solemn compact for the purpose of securing the sovereignty and overthrowing their enemies; but in order not to appear to be aiming directly at an oligarchy and thus to arouse envy and consequent opposition on the part of the others, they came to the following agreement.

§ 46.55.3 In common, the three were to be chosen as commissioners and correctors of a sort, for the administration and settlement of affairs, and that not as permanent officials, they pretended, but for five years, with the understanding that they should manage all public business, whether or not they made any communication about it to the people and the senate, and should give the offices and other honours to whomsoever they pleased. 4 Individually, however, in order that they should not be thought to be appropriating the entire government, they arranged that both Africas, Sardinia, and Sicily should be given to Caesar to rule, all of Spain and Gallia Narbonensis to Lepidus, and the rest of Gaul, both south and north of the Alps, to Antony.

§ 46.55.5 The former was called Gallia Togata, as I have stated, because it seemed to be more peaceful than the other divisions of Gaul, and because the inhabitants already employed the Roman citizen-garb; the other was termed Gallia Comata because the Gauls there for the most part let their hair grow long, and were in this way distinguished from the others.

§ 46.56.1 So they made these allotments, for the purpose of securing the strongest provinces themselves and giving others the impression that they were not striving for the whole. It was further agreed that they should bring about the murder of their personal enemies, that Lepidus after being appointed consul in Decimus' stead should keep guard over Rome and the remainder of Italy, and that the others should make an expedition against Brutus and Cassius. 2 And they confirmed these arrangements by oath. After this, in order that the soldiers might ostensibly be hearers and witnesses of the terms they had made, they called them together and harangued them, telling all that it was proper and safe to tell them.

§ 46.56.3 Meanwhile the soldiers of Antony, of course by his arrangement, recommended to Caesar the daughter of Fulvia, Antony's wife, whom she had by Clodius, — and this in spite of Caesar's being already betrothed to another. 4 He, however, did not refuse her, as he did not think this marriage would hinder him at all in the designs which he had against Antony. For, in addition to other considerations, he understood that his father Caesar had not failed to carry out all his plans against Pompey, in spite of the kinship between them.

§ 47.1.1 BOOK 47 42 BC After forming this compact and taking oaths they hastened to Rome, giving the impression that they were all going to rule on equal terms, but each having the intention of getting the entire power himself. Yet they had learned in advance very clearly before this, and very plainly at this time also, what was going to happen. 2 For in the case of Lepidus a serpent that coiled about a centurion's sword and a wolf that entered his camp and his tent while he was eating dinner and knocked over the table foretold at once his future power and the trouble that was to follow it; in the case of Antony, the flowing of milk round about the trenches and the resounding of a kind of chant at night foreshadowed the satisfactions that he was to experience and the destruction that was to grow out of them.

§ 47.1.3 These portents befell them before they entered Italy; but in Caesar's case it was at this very time, immediately after the covenant had been made, that an eagle settled upon his tent and killed two crows which had attacked it and were trying to pluck out its feathers — a sign which gave him the victory over both his rivals.

§ 47.2.1 So they came to Rome with all their troops, first Caesar and then the others, each one separately, and immediately they enacted through the tribunes the laws they had agreed upon. 2 For the measures which they dictated and forced through not only assumed the name of law, but actually had to be supported by petitions, since the triumvirs required to be besought earnestly to pass them. Hence sacrifices were voted in honour of them as if for successes and the people changed their attire as if they had been blessed by fortune, although great fear was upon them because of these very acts and still greater fear because of omens.

§ 47.2.3 For the standards of the army which was guarding the city became covered with cobwebs, pieces of armour were seen to rise up from the earth to the sky and a great clashing that came from them was heard; in the shrine of Aesculapius bees gathered in swarms on the ceiling, and crowds of vultures settled on the temple of the Genius Populi and on that of Concordia.

§ 47.3.1 And while the people were still in this state of mind, those murders by proscription which Sulla had once indulged in were once more resorted to and the whole city was filled with corpses. Many were killed in their houses, many even in the streets and here and there in the fora and around the temples; 2 the heads of the victims were once more set up on the Rostra and their bodies either allowed to lie where they were, to be devoured by dogs and birds, or else cast into the river. Everything that had been done before in the days of Sulla occurred also at this time, except that only two white tablets were posted, one for the senators and one for the others.

§ 47.3.3 The reason for this I have not been able to learn from anyone else or to find out myself; for the only reason that might occur to one, namely, that fewer were to be put to death, is by no means true, since many more names were posted, owing to the fact that there were more persons making the lists. However, this circumstance did not cause these proscriptions to differ from the murders on the earlier occasion; 4 since the posting of the names of the prominent citizens, not promiscuously along with those of the rabble, but separately, must surely have seemed a very absurd distinction to the men who were to be murdered on precisely the same terms. But over against this one difference there were not a few other conditions of a very distressing nature that fell to their lot, although Sulla's proscriptions, to all appearances, left no room for outdoing them.

§ 47.4.1 In Sulla's time, to be sure, the perpetrators had committed their shocking deeds on the spur of the moment, inasmuch as they were trying this sort of thing for the first time, and not as the result of deliberate planning, and hence in most cases they behaved less wickedly, since they were acting, not with malice aforethought, but as chance dictated; and the victims, encountering misfortunes which came upon them suddenly and had never before been heard of by them, found some alleviation in the unexpectedness of their sufferings. 2 At this time, however, when men had either taken part themselves in all the former terrible deeds, or had beheld them, or were at any rate thoroughly acquainted with them from recent descriptions, and accordingly in all the time between, in the expectation of a recurrence of similar outrages, had, on the one hand, been devising many additional horrors, with the idea that they would inflict them, and, on the other hand, been conjuring up additional terrors with the idea that they would suffer them, the perpetrators resorted to the most unusual devices in their emulation of the outrages of yore and their consequent eagerness to introduce into their schemes, by their ingenuity, novel features of some sort; and the victims, reflecting upon all that they might suffer, underwent great tortures in their minds even before their bodies were put to torture, as if they were already in the very midst of their sufferings.

§ 47.5.1 Another reason for their faring worse on this occasion than before was that previously only the enemies of Sulla and of the leaders associated with him were destroyed, whereas among the friends of Sulla or of the other men no one perished, at least not at Sulla's bidding; 2 so that, apart from the very wealthy, who can never be at peace on such occasions with the man more powerful than themselves, all the rest had no cause for fear. In this second series of murders, however, not only the men's enemies or the rich were being killed, but also their best friends, incredible as it may seem.

§ 47.5.3 For in general almost nobody had incurred the enmity of those men for any mere private cause, to such an extent as to be murdered by them; but it was their public relations and their changing of their allegiance from one political leader to another that had created for the Romans not only their friendships, but also their violent enemies. 4 For everyone who had made common cause or cooperated with his neighbour in anything was regarded by all the rest in the light of an enemy. And thus it came about that the same persons had become friends of some one of the leaders and enemies of them all as a body, so that while privately each leader was merely taking vengeance upon those who had plotted against him, as a group they were destroying even their dearest friends.

§ 47.5.5 For in consequence of the dealings they had had with one another they kept a sort of reckoning of the items of “friend” and “enemy,” and no one of their number could take vengeance on one of his own enemies, if he was a friend of one of the other two, without giving up some friend in return; and because of their resentment over what was past and their suspicion regarding the future they cared nothing about the saving of an associate as over against their vengeance upon an adversary, and therefore readily gave their friends in return.

§ 47.6.1 In consequence they were now offering up to each other their staunchest friends in return for their bitterest enemies, and getting their most implacable foes in return from their closest comrades, sometimes exchanging equal numbers and sometimes several for one or fewer for more, and carrying on their negotiations in general after the fashion of a market, particularly in over-bidding one another as at an auction. 2 If one person was found who matched another in value so that there was a parity between them, there was an even exchange; but those whose value was enhanced by some excellence or rank or even relationship perished each at the price of several lives. For, as is natural in civil wars, which last a long time and involve many incidents, many had in the course of the strife come into collision even with their nearest relatives.

§ 47.6.3 For example, Antony had found an enemy in his uncle, Lucius Caesar, and Lepidus in his brother, Lucius Paullus. But though the lives of these men were spared, yet many of the rest were slaughtered even in the houses of their friends and relatives, at whose hands they most confidently expected to be saved and honoured. 4 For, in order that no one should hesitate to kill another out of fear of being deprived of the rewards, — inasmuch as Marcus Cato, in his quaestorship, had demanded back from those who had murdered anyone in the time of Sulla all that they had received for their work, — they proclaimed that the name of none of the perpetrators should be registered in the public records.

§ 47.6.5 Encouraged by this, men proceeded to slay, in addition to the others, also the well-to-do, even when they had no dislike for any of them. For since they stood in need of vast sums of money have had no other source from which to satisfy the desires of their soldiers, they affected a kind of common enmity against the rich. 6 And among the many other lawless acts they committed in carrying out this policy, they took a lad and enrolled him among the youths of military age, in order that they might kill him as now classed among the grown men.

§ 47.7.1 These acts were committed chiefly by Lepidus and Antony; for they had been honoured by the former Caesar for many years, and as they had been holding offices and governorships for a long time they had many enemies. 2 But Caesar seems to have taken part in the business merely because of his sharing the authority, since he himself had no need at all to kill a large number; for he was not naturally cruel and had been brought up in his father's ways. Moreover, as he was still a young man and had just entered politics, he was under no necessity in any case of hating many persons violently, and, besides, he wished to be loved.3 A proof of this is that from the time he broke off his joint rulership with his colleagues and held the power alone he no longer did anything of the sort. And even at this time he not only refrained from destroying many but actually saved a very large number; and he treated with great severity those who betrayed their masters or friends and very leniently those who helped others. 4 Witness the case of Tanusia, a woman of note. She at first concealed her husband Titus Vinius, one of the proscribed, in a chest at the house of a freedman named Philopoemen and so made it appear that he had been killed. Later she waited for a popular festival, which a relative of hers was to direct, and through the influence of Caesar's sister Octavia brought it about that Caesar alone of the triumvirs entered the theatre.

§ 47.7.5 Then she rushed in and informed him of her deed, of which he was still ignorant, brought in the chest itself and produced from it her husband. Caesar, astonished, released all of them — for death was the penalty also for such as concealed anyone — and enrolled Philopoemen among the knights.

§ 47.8.1 So Caesar saved the lives of as many as he could; and Lepidus allowed his brother Paulus to escape to Miletus and was not inexorable toward the others. But Antony killed savagely and mercilessly, not only those whose names had been posted, but likewise those who had attempted to assist any of them. 2 He always viewed their heads, even if he happened to be eating, and sated himself to the fullest extent on this most unholy and pitiable sight. And even Fulvia also caused the death of many, both to satisfy her enmity and to gain their wealth, in some cases men with whom her husband was not even acquainted;

§ 47.8.3 at any rate, when he saw the head of one man, he exclaimed: “I knew not this man!” When, however, the head of Cicero also was brought to them one day (he had been overtaken and slain in flight), Antony uttered many bitter reproaches against it and then ordered it to be exposed on the Rostra more prominently than the rest, in order that it might be seen in the very place where Cicero had so often been heard declaiming against him, together with his right hand, just as it had been cut off. 4 And Fulvia took the head into her hands before it was removed, and after abusing it spitefully and spitting upon it, set it on her knees, opened the mouth, and pulled out the tongue, which she pierced with the pins that she used for her hair, at the same time uttering many brutal jests.

§ 47.8.5 Yet even this pair saved some persons from whom they got more money than they could expect to obtain by their death; and in order that the places for their names on the tablets might not be empty, they inscribed others in their stead. Indeed, with the exception of releasing his uncle at the earnest entreaty of his mother Julia, Antony performed no praiseworthy act.

§ 47.9.1 For these reasons the murders took many forms, and also the rescues in individual instances were of divers kinds. Many perished at the hands of their dearest friends, and many were saved by their bitterest enemies. Some slew themselves, and others were released by the very men who came upon them to murder them. Some who betrayed masters or friends were punished, and others were honoured for this very reason; of those who helped others save their lives, some paid the penalty and others actually received rewards. 2 For since it was not one man who was concerned, but three, each doing anything and everything according to his own desire and his private advantage and regarding different sets of men as enemies or friends, and each having often occasion to desire earnestly that the life of a man be spared whom one of the others wished to destroy, or, on the other hand, that a man be put to death whom one of the others wished to have survive, many complicated situations resulted, according as they felt good-will or hatred toward anyone.

§ 47.10.1 I shall accordingly refrain from giving an accurate and detailed description of all such incidents, since this would be a vast undertaking and there would be no great gain to my history, but shall relate what I regard as most worthy of remembrance. 2 In one case a slave had hidden his master in a villa, and then, when even so the master was likely to perish through information given by a third person, this slave changed clothes with him, and wearing his master's apparel, went to meet the pursuers as if he were himself the master, and was murdered. So they turned aside, thinking they had slain the man they wished, and when they had departed, the master made his escape to some other place.

§ 47.10.3 Again, another slave likewise changed his entire dress with his master and entered a covered litter himself, making his master one of the carriers; and so, when they were overtaken, he was killed without being even looked at, while the master was spared as being a porter. 4 These, perhaps, are instances of favours repaid by slaves to their indulgent masters in recognition of some kindness previously received. But there was also a branded runaway slave, who, so far from betraying the man who had branded him, very gladly saved him. It was discovered that he was smuggling his master to some place of safety and a pursuit was begun; so he killed a man who met him by chance, gave the man's clothes to his master, and placing the corpse upon a pyre,

§ 47.10.5 he himself took his master's clothing and ring, went to meet the pursuers, and upon claiming that he had killed his master while fleeing, his word was believed, because of his spoils and the marks of the branding, and thus he not only saved his master, but at the same time gained honour for himself. 6 Now these anecdotes redound to the memory of no persons known by name; but there was Hosidius Geta, whose son arranged a funeral for him, as though he were already dead, and saved him in that way, and Quintus Cicero, the brother of Marcus, whose son secreted him and saved his life, so far as it was in his power to do so

§ 47.10.7 For the boy concealed his father so well that he could not be discovered, and when tormented for it by according to kinds of torture, did not utter a syllable; but his father, learning what was being done, was filled at once with admiration and pity for the boy, came out into the open of his own free will and surrendered himself to his slayers.

§ 47.11.1 Such were the conspicuous deeds of bravery and filial devotion performed at that time. On the other hand, Popilius Laenas killed Marcus Cicero, although Cicero had once defended him as his advocate, 2 and in order that by means of optical proof as well as by report he might have the credit of having murdered him, he set up a statue of himself sitting crowned beside his victim's head, with an inscription that recorded his name and his deed. By this act he pleased Antony so much that he secured more than the price offered.3 Again, Marcus Terentius Varro was a man who had given no offence, but his name was identical with that of one of the proscribed, except for the agnomen, and he was afraid that he might because of this suffer a fate similar to that of Cinna; therefore he issued a statement making known this fact (he was tribune at the time) 4 and for this he became the subject of amusement and ridicule. Now the uncertainty of life was illustrated not only by this incident, but also by the case of Lucius Philuscius, who had previously been proscribed by Sulla and had escaped, had his name now inscribed on the tablet once more and perished, whereas Marcus Valerius Messalla, who had been condemned to death by Antony, not only continued to live in safety, but was later appointed consul in place of Antony himself.

§ 47.11.5 So it is that many come out safe from the most desperate situations, while just as many who feel no fear lose their lives. Hence one should neither be so alarmed in the face of the calamities of the moment as to lose all hope, nor be so carried away by his immediate elation as to be reckless, but, by placing his expectation of the future midway between the two, should make reliable calculations for either event.

§ 47.12.1 Such, at any rate, was the course of events at that time, and while very many of those who were not proscribed also lost their lives, because they either were hated or had money, yet very many whose names were posted not only survived but were also restored from exile, and some of them were even elected to office. They were finding refuge with Brutus, with Cassius, and with Sextus, 2 but the majority directed their flight toward Sextus. For Sextus had formerly been chosen to command the fleet and for a time had dominated the sea, so that he had surrounded himself with a force of his own, even though he had subsequently been deprived of his office by Caesar. He had occupied Sicily, and then, when the order of proscription was passed against him, too, and all the other murders were taking place, he proved of the greatest assistance to those who were in like condition.

§ 47.12.3 For, anchoring near the coast of Italy, he kept sending to Rome and to the other cities, offering among other things to those who saved anybody double the reward that had been proposed for those who should murder them, and promising to the men themselves a refuge, assistance, money, and honours.

§ 47.13.1 Therefore a considerable number came to him. As to the exact number, now, either of those who were proscribed or slaughtered or of those who escaped, I refrain even at the present time from recording it, because many names originally inscribed on the tablets were erased and many were later inscribed in their place, and of these not a few were saved and many perished who were not on the lists. 2 And it was not permitted in any case even to mourn for the victims, and many lost their lives on this account also. And finally, when the calamities broke down all their assumed calm and no one even of the most stout-hearted could longer bear up against them, but in all their work and conversation their countenances were gloomy and they had no thought of celebrating the new-year festival, as was their wont, they were ordered by a proclamation to be of good cheer, on pain of death if they should disobey. So they were forced to rejoice over their common evils as over blessings.

§ 47.13.3 Yet why do I mention such a thing, when they voted to those men (to the triumvirs, I mean) the civic crowns and other distinctions as to benefactors and saviours of the state? For these men not only would not allow themselves to be blamed because they were murdering people, but, what is more, wished to be praised because the number of their victims was not greater. 4 And to the populace they once openly stated they had emulated neither the cruelty of Marius and Sulla, that they should be hated, nor, on the other hand, the mildness of Caesar, that they should be despised and consequently plotted against.

§ 47.14.1 So much for the murders; but many strange proceedings took place also in connection with the property of persons left alive. To be sure, the triumvirs announced, as if they were indeed just and humane rulers, that they would give to the widows of the slain their dowries, and to the male children a tenth and to the female children a twentieth of the property of each one's father; 2 but these portions were not actually given save in a few cases, and the possessions of the other classes of persons were plundered with impunity even down to the last farthing. For, in the first place, they levied upon all the houses, both in the city and in the rest of Italy, a tax which was the entire amount of the annual rent in the case of dwellings which people had leased, and half of that amount in the case of such as they occupied themselves, all based on the value of the domicile; and secondly, from those who possessed lands they took away half of the revenues they produced.

§ 47.14.3 Furthermore, they required that the soldiers should receive their support free from the cities in which they were wintering, and also distributed them throughout the country districts, pretending that they were sent to take charge of the confiscated property or that of the persons who still opposed them. For they counted the latter class as enemies, because they had not come over to the side of the triumvirs before the appointed day. Thus the whole country outside the towns was also pillaged. 4 Indeed, the triumvirs not only allowed the soldiers to do this, in order that, having their pay even in advance of their services, they might devote all their zeal to their commanders' interests, but also promised to give them cities and lands. And to carry out this promise they appointed special commissioners to divide the lands among them and to establish them in colonies. Now the mass of the soldiers was made loyal by these measures; but in the case of the more prominent, they tempted some with the possessions of those who were being put to death, both by lowering the price on certain articles and by granting others to them free, and others they honoured with the offices and priesthoods of the victims.

§ 47.14.5 For, in order that they themselves might with impunity secure the finest both of the lands and of the buildings and yet might give their followers all they wanted, the triumvirs gave notice that no one but themselves and the soldiers should visit the auction unless he wanted to buy something; whoever did so should die. And they managed even those who came under these conditions in such a way that they detected no irregularity and had to pay the very highest price for what they wanted, and consequently had no further desire to buy.

§ 47.15.1 This was the course followed in regard to the property of the proscribed. As to the offices and priesthoods of such as had been put to death, they distributed these, not in the fashion prescribed by law, but apparently just as suited their fancy. As regards the consulship, when Caesar resigned the office, — thus giving up willingly the position he had so eagerly desired that he had even made war to gain it, — and when his colleague died, they appointed Publius Ventidius, although he was praetor at the time, and another man; and to the praetorship vacated by Ventidius they promoted one of the aediles.

§ 47.15.3 Afterwards they relieved all the praetors, who still had five days to hold office, and sent them to be governors of the provinces, and installed others in their places. Some laws they abolished entirely and in others inserted new provisions; and, in brief, they ordered everything else just as seemed good to them. 4 They did not, to be sure, lay claim to titles which were offensive and had therefore been done away with, but they managed matters according to their own wish and desire, so that Caesar's sovereignty by comparison appeared all gold. That year, besides doing these things, they voted a temple to Serapis and Isis.

§ 47.16.1 And when Marcus Lepidus and Lucius Plancus became consuls, tablets were again set up, not involving the death of any one this time, but defrauding the living of their property. 2 For the triumvirs found themselves in need of more money, inasmuch as they already owed large sums to large numbers of soldiers, were spending large sums on undertakings then being carried out by them, and expected to spend far more still on the wars and prospect; they therefore proceeded to collect funds.

§ 47.16.3 Now the reintroduction of the taxes which had been formerly abrogated, or the establishment of new ones, and the institution of the joint contributions, which they levied in large numbers both on the land and on the slaves, caused the people some little distress, it is true; 4 but that those who were in the slightest degree still prosperous, not only senators or knights, but even freedmen, men and women alike, should be listed on the tablets and mulcted of another “tithe” of their wealth irritated everybody exceedingly.

§ 47.16.5 For it was in name only that a tenth of each other's property was exacted; in reality not so much as a tenth was left. For since they were not ordered to contribute a stated amount according to the value of their possessions, but had the duty of assessing the value of their own goods, they were as a result liable to be accused of not having made a fair assessment and to lose in addition what they had left.

§ 47.17.1 And even if some persons did somehow escape this fate, yet they were brought into straits by the assessments, found themselves terribly short of ready money, and so, like the others, were deprived of practically everything. Moreover, the following device, distressing even to hear about, but most distressing in practice, was put into operation. 2 Any one of the proscribed who wished to do so was permitted, if he would abandon all his property, to make requisition afterwards for one-third of it, which meant getting nothing and having trouble besides. For when they were being openly and violently despoiled of two-thirds, how were they to recover the other third, especially since their goods were being sold for an extremely low price?

§ 47.17.3 For, in the first place, a great deal of property was being offered at auction all at once and most people were without gold or silver and the rest did not dare to show by buying that they had money, lest they should lose that too, and consequently the prices were lowered; in the second place, anything would be sold to the soldiers far below its value. 4 Hence none of the private citizens saved anything worth mentioning; for, over and above all the other exactions, they had to furnish slaves for the navy, buying them if they had none, and the senators had to repair the roads at their individual expense. Only those, indeed, who bore arms gained great wealth.

§ 47.17.5 For they were far from satisfied with their pay, though it was given in full, or with their outside perquisites, though these were very numerous, or with the prizes bestowed for the murders, though they were exceedingly large, or with the lands they acquired, though they were practically a free gift to them; but in addition some would ask for and receive all the property of those who died, and others would force their way into the families of the survivors who were old and childless. 6 For they had reached such a degree of greed and shamelessness that one man actually asked Caesar himself for the property of Atia, his mother, who had died at that time and had been honoured with a public funeral.

§ 47.18.1 While these three men were behaving in this wise, they were also magnifying the former Caesar to the utmost degree. For as they were eager for sole rulership and were striving for it, they vindictively pursued the rest of the assassins, 2 with the idea that in this way they would be preparing, long in advance, immunity for themselves in what they were doing as well as safety; and so they eagerly did everything which tended to his honour, in expectation of some day being themselves thought worthy of like honours, and for this reason they exalted him, not only by the honours which had already been voted him, but also by others which they now added.

§ 47.18.3 Thus, on the first day of the year they themselves took an oath and made all the rest swear that they would consider all his acts binding; and the same thing is still done today in honour of all those who successively enter upon the supreme power and also of those who have possessed it and have not been dishonoured. 4 They also laid the foundation of a shrine to him, as hero, in the Forum, on the spot where his body had been burned, and caused an image of him, together with a second image, that of Venus, to be carried in the procession at the Circensian Games. And whenever news came of a victory anywhere, they assigned the honour of a thanksgiving to the victor by himself and to Caesar, though dead, by himself.5 And they compelled everybody to celebrate his birthday by wearing laurel and by merry-making, passing a law that those who neglected these observances should be accursed in the sight of Jupiter and of Caesar himself, and, in the case of senators or senators' sons, that they should forfeit a million sesterces. 6 Now it happened that the Ludi Apollinares fell on the same day, and they therefore voted that his birthday feast should be celebrated on the previous day, on the ground that there was an oracle of the Sibyl which forbade the holding of a festival on Apollo's day to any god except Apollo.

§ 47.19.1 Besides granting him these honours, they made the day on which he had been murdered, a day on which there had always been a regular meeting of the senate, an unlucky day. The room in which he had been murdered they closed for the time being and later transformed into a privy. They also built the Curia Julia, named after him, beside the place called the Comitium, as had been voted. 2 Moreover, they forbade any likeness of him to be carried at the funerals of his relatives, — just as if he were in very truth a god, — though this was an ancient custom and was still being observed. And they enacted that no one who took refuge in his shrine to secure immunity should be driven or dragged away from there —

§ 47.19.3 a distinction which had never been granted even to any one of the gods, save to such as were worshipped in the days of Romulus. Yet after men began to congregate in that region even this place had inviolability in name only, without the reality; for it was so fenced about that no one could any longer enter it at all.

§ 47.19.4 These were the honours which they granted to Caesar; they also allowed the Vestal Virgins to employ one lictor each, because one of them, not being recognised, had been insulted while returning home from dinner toward evening. And they assigned the offices in the city for several years ahead, thus at the same time honouring their friends and strengthening their cause for a longer time by controlling the succession of those officials.

§ 47.20.1 When all this had been accomplished, Lepidus remained there, as I have said, to take up the administration of the city and of the rest of Italy, and Caesar and Antony set out upon their campaign. It should be explained that Brutus and Cassius, after the compact made by them with Antony and the rest, had at first gone regularly into the Forum and discharged the duties of the praetorship with the same ceremonial as before. 2 But when some began to be displeased at the killing of Caesar, they withdrew, pretending to be in haste to reach the governorships abroad to which they had been appointed. And yet Cassius was praetor urbanus and had not yet celebrated the Ludi Apollinares. But, although absent, he performed that duty most brilliantly through his colleague Antony;

§ 47.20.3 he did not himself sail away from Italy at once, however, but lingered with Brutus in Campania and watched the course of events. And in their capacity as praetors they kept sending letters to the people at Rome, until Caesar Octavianus began to take a hand in affairs and to win the affections of the populace. 4 Then, despairing of the republic and at the same time fearing him, they departed. The Athenians gave them a splendid reception; for, though they were honoured by nearly everybody else for what they had done, the inhabitants of this city voted them bronze images by the side of those of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, thus intimating that Brutus and Cassius had emulated their example.

§ 47.21.1 Meanwhile, learning that Caesar was growing stronger, they neglected Crete and Bithynia, whither they were being sent, since they saw no prospect of any noteworthy aid in those countries; but they turned to Syria and to Macedonia, although these provinces did not belong to them at all, because they excelled as strategical positions and in point of money and troops. 2 Cassius went to Syria, because its people were acquainted with him and friendly as a result of his campaign with Crassus, while Brutus proceeded to unite Greece and Macedonia. For the inhabitants of those districts were inclined to give heed to him in any case because of the glory of his deeds and in the expectation of similar service to their country,

§ 47.21.3 and particularly because he had acquired numerous soldiers, some of them survivors of the battle of Pharsalus, who were even then still wandering about in that region, and others who by reason either of sickness or slack discipline had been left behind from the force which had set out with Dolabella. And money also came to him from Trebonius in Asia. 4 So for these reasons he won over Greece without the least effort, although for that matter it contained no force worth mentioning. He reached Macedonia at the moment when Gaius Antonius had just arrived and Quintus Hortensius, who was his predecessor in the governorship, was about to retire; 5 however, he experienced no trouble. For Hortensius embraced his cause at once, and Antonius was weak, being hindered during Caesar's supremacy in Rome from performing half of the duties belonging to his office. 6 Vatinius, who was governor of Illyricum near by, came from there to Dyrrachium, seized it before Brutus could prevent it, and acted as an enemy in the present strife, but could not injure him at all; for his soldiers, who disliked him and furthermore despised him by reason of a disease, went over to the other side.7 So Brutus, taking over these troops, led an expedition against Antonius, who was in Apollonia; and when Antonius came out to meet him, Brutus won over his soldiers, shut him up within the walls when he fled thither before him, and captured him alive through betrayal, but did him no harm.

§ 47.22.1 After this success, Brutus next acquired all Macedonia and Epirus, and then despatched a letter to the senate, stating what he had accomplished and placing at its disposal himself as well as the provinces and the soldiers. 2 The senators, who, as it chanced, already felt suspicious of Caesar, praised him highly and bade him be governor of all that region. When, then, he had had his command confirmed by the decree, he not only felt more encouraged himself, but also found his subjects ready to support him unreservedly.

§ 47.22.3 For a time he both communicated with Caesar, when the latter appeared to be making war on Antony, urging him to resist his enemy and to become reconciled with the writer himself, and was himself making preparations to sail to Italy, because the senate had summoned him; 4 but after Caesar had got matters thoroughly in hand in Rome and was proceeding openly to take vengeance on his father's slayers, Brutus remained where he was, deliberating how he should successfully ward off the other's attack when it occurred; and besides managing admirably the other districts as well as Macedonia, he calmed the minds of his legions when they had been stirred to mutiny by Antonius.

§ 47.23.1 For Antonius, although Brutus had not even deprived him of his praetorian dress, was not content to keep quiet, his safety and office secure, but was stirring up a revolt among the soldiers of Brutus. 2 And when he was discovered at this work before he had done any great harm, he was stripped of his praetorian insignia, and delivered up to be guarded, though not confined, that he might not cause any rebellion. Yet he did not remain quiet even then, but concocted more schemes of rebellion than ever, so that some of the soldiers came to blows with one another and others set out for Apollonia to fetch Antonius himself, with the intention of rescuing him.

§ 47.23.3 This, however, they were unable to do; for Brutus had learned beforehand from some intercepted letters what was to be done and by putting him into a covered litter, on the pretence that he was moving a sick man, got him out of the way. The soldiers, unable to find Antonius and being also afraid of Brutus, seized a hill commanding the city. 4 Brutus induced them to come to an understanding, and by taking a few of the most audacious, of whom he executed some and dismissed others from his service, persuaded the other mutineers to arrest and kill those who had been sent away, on the ground that they were chiefly responsible for the sedition, and also to ask for the surrender of the quaestor and the lieutenants of Antonius.

§ 47.24.1 Now Brutus did not deliver any of these officials into their hands, but put them aboard ships, as if he were going to drown them, and so conveyed them to safety; fearing, however, that the troops would change sides again when they should hear reports of the events in Rome, all exaggerated to inspire alarm, 2 he delivered Antonius to a certain Gaius Clodius to guard and left him in Apollonia. Meanwhile Brutus himself took the largest and strongest part of the army and retired into upper Macedonia, whence he later sailed to Asia, in order to remove his men as far as possible from Italy and to support them on the subject territory there.

§ 47.24.3 Among the various allies whom he gained at this time was Deiotarus, although this ruler was very old and had refused his assistance to Cassius.

§ 47.24.3 While Brutus was delaying there, a plot was formed against him by Gellius Publicola, and Mark Antony also sent some men and attempted to rescue his brother. 4 Clodius, accordingly, as he could not keep his prisoner in custody alive, killed him, either on his own responsibility or following instructions from Brutus; for the story is that at first Brutus made his prisoner's safety of supreme importance, but later, after learning that Decimus had perished, cared nothing more about it.

§ 47.24.5 Gellius was detected, but suffered no punishment; for Brutus released him, inasmuch as he had always held him to be among his best friends and knew that his brother, Marcus Messalla, was on very close terms with Cassius. The man also made an attempt upon Cassius, but suffered no harm in that case, either. 6 The reason was that his mother Polla learned of the plot in advance, and fearing for Cassius lest he should be caught off his guard (for she was very fond of him) and for her son lest he should be detected, in person and of her own free will informed Cassius of the plot beforehand, and received the life of her son as a reward. However, she did not succeed in making a better man of him; for he deserted his benefactor to join Caesar and Antony.

§ 47.25.1 Now as soon as Brutus learned of the attempt of Mark Antony and of the killing of Antony's brother, he feared that some other insurrection might take place in Macedonia during his absence, and immediately hastened to Europe. On the way he took charge of the territory which had belonged to Sadalus, who had died childless and had left it to the Romans, 2 and he also invaded the country of the Bessi, in the hope that he might at one and the same time punish them for the mischief they were doing and invest himself with the title and dignity of imperator, thinking that he should thus carry on his war against Caesar and Antony more easily. He accomplished both objects chiefly by the aid of a certain prince named Rhascyporis. And after going thence into Macedonia and making himself master of everything there, he withdrew again into Asia.

§ 47.25.3 In addition to these activities Brutus stamped upon the coins which were being minted his own likeness and a cap and two daggers, indicating by this and by the inscription that he and Cassius had liberated the fatherland.

§ 47.26.1 Meanwhile Cassius crossed over to Trebonius in Asia, forestalling Dolabella, and after securing money from him, attached to himself many of the cavalry, which Dolabella had sent before him into Syria, and also many Asiatics and Cilicians besides. 2 He next brought Tarcondimotus, also, and the people of Tarsus into the alliance, though against their will, for the Tarsians were so devoted to the former Caesar, out of regard for him to the second also, that they changed the name of their city to Juliopolis after him. After accomplishing this much Cassius went to Syria, and without striking a blow completely won over both the people and the legions.

§ 47.26.3 The situation in Syria at that time was as follows. Caecilius Bassus, a knight, who had made the campaign with Pompey and in the retreat had arrived at Tyre, was secretly spending his time there in the mart. The governor of Syria was Sextus; for since he was not only quaestor but also a relative of Caesar's, Caesar had placed in his charge all the Roman interests in that quarter, having done this on the occasion of his march from Egypt against Pharnaces. 4 So Bassus at first remained quiet, satisfied if only he might be allowed to live; but when some men in like case had associated themselves with him and he had attached to himself various soldiers of Sextus who came there at different times to garrison the city, and when, moreover, many alarming reports kept coming in from Africa about Caesar,

§ 47.26.5 he was no longer content with the existing state of affairs, but began to stir up a rebellion, his aim being either to help the followers of Scipio and Cato and the Pompeians or to win for himself some political power. But he was discovered by Sextus before he had finished his preparations, and explained that he was collecting these troops for the use of Mithridates the Pergamenian in an expedition against Bosporus; his story was believed, and he was released. 6 So after this he forged a letter, which he pretended had been sent to him by Scipio, on the basis of which he announced that Caesar had been defeated and had perished in Africa and claimed that the governorship of Syria had been assigned to him.

§ 47.26.7 He then seized Tyre with the aid of the forces he had got ready, and from there he advanced against the legions of Sextus, but was defeated and wounded while attacking him. After this experience, he did not again make an attempt by force upon Sextus, but sent messages to his soldiers, and in some way or other won some of them to himself to such an extent that they murdered Sextus with their own hands.

§ 47.27.1 When Sextus was dead, Bassus gained possession of all his army except a few; for the soldiers who had been wintering in Apamea withdrew into Cilicia before his arrival, and although he pursued them, he did not win them over. Returning then to Syria, he took the title of praetor and fortified Apamea, so as to have it as a base for the war. 2 And he proceeded to enlist the men of military age, not only freemen but slaves as well, to gather money, and to prepare arms. While he was thus engaged, one Gaius Antistius besieged him. Later they had a fairly equal struggle, and when neither party was able to gain any great advantage, they parted, without any definite truce, to await the bringing up of allies.

§ 47.27.3 Antistius was joined by such persons of the vicinity as favoured Caesar and by soldiers who had been sent from Rome by Caesar, while Bassus was joined by Alchaudonius the Arabian. He it was who had formerly made terms with Lucullus, as I have stated, and later joined with the Parthians against Crassus. 4 On this occasion he was summoned by both sides, but entered the space between the city and the camps and before making any answer called for bids for his services as an ally; and as Bassus outbid Antistius, he assisted him, and in the battle proved greatly superior in his archery.

§ 47.27.5 Even the Parthians, too, came at the invitation of Bassus, but on account of the winter failed to remain with him for any considerable time, and hence did not accomplish anything of importance. Bassus prevailed for a time, to be sure, but was later again held in check by Marcius Crispus and Lucius Staius Murcus.

§ 47.28.1 Affairs with them were in this state when Cassius came on the scene and at once conciliated all the cities because of the renown of his acts while quaestor and of his fame in general, and attached the legions of Bassus and of the others without any further trouble. 2 While he was encamped in one place with all these forces, a great downpour from the sky suddenly occurred, during which wild swine rushed into the camp, through all the gates at once, overturning and throwing into confusion everything there; hence some inferred from this his immediate rise to power and his subsequent overthrow.

§ 47.28.3 So when Cassius had secured possession of Syria, he set out for Judaea on learning that the followers of Caesar who had been left behind in Egypt were approaching; 4 Next he sent away, without harming them in the least, Bassus and Crispus and such others as did not care to share the campaign with him; as for Staius, he retained him in the rank which he had when he came there and entrusted the fleet to him besides.

§ 47.28.5 Thus Cassius quietly became strong; and he sent a despatch to Caesar about reconciliation, and to the senate about the situation, composed in similar language to that of Brutus. Therefore the senate confirmed him in the governorship of Syria and voted for the war with Dolabella.